Showing posts with label Police Tactics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Police Tactics. Show all posts

Friday, February 23, 2018

1968-2018: A Celebration of 50 years of Resistance, Campaigning and Alternatives for A Better World

- despite 50 years of police opposition, spying and repression 

Sat 7th / Sun 8th July 2018   

Sat 7th: Anniversary Roll Call / Commemoration / Celebration in Grosvenor Square, London W1 @ 1pm - 3pm
Sun 8th: London Gathering and Exhibition

1st to 8th July  -  week of local events and activities around the UK  

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Next planning meeting for the above
Sunday 11th March, 5pm @ Housmans, 5 Caledonian Road, N1 9DX

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MOVEMENTS FOR A BETTER WORLD GROW - POLICE REACT WITH REPRESSIVE TACTICS
In 1968, following demonstrations against the Vietnam War in London's Grosvenor Square, the police set up a Special Demonstration Squad (SDS). Since that time, 50 years ago, over 1,000 groups campaigning in the UK for a better world have been spied on, infiltrated and targeted by political policing. Their protests and demonstrations are also subjected to ongoing police opposition and control to try to limit their effectiveness.
This targeting has included groups campaigning for equality, justice, the environment and international solidarity, for rights for women, LGBTQ, workers and for animals, for community empowerment, and those campaigning against war, racism, sexism, corporate power, legal repression and police oppression and brutality. Such groups have represented many millions of people throughout the UK who want to make the world a better, fairer and more sustainable place for everyone. Yet almost any group of any kind that stood up to make a positive difference has been or could have potentially been a target for secret political policing.We now know this because of campaigners' recent efforts to expose and challenge the SDS and other similar secret units, and their shocking and unacceptable tactics. Individuals within those campaign groups have been spied on, subjected to intrusions in their personal lives, been victims of miscarriages of justice, and many deceived into intimate and abusive relationships with secret police, ie people that who were not who they said they were. In July 2015 we succeeded in forcing Theresa May (now Prime Minister) to set up the current Undercover Policing Public Inquiry, which was tasked with getting to the truth by July 2018, and insisting on action to prevent police wrong-doing in future. Now, 3 years on, the public inquiry has achieved very little due to police obstruction. 

When the SDS was formed they stated that they would 'shut down' the movements they were spying on. But despite disgusting police tactics, movements for positive change are still here and growing, and have had many successes on the way.


CELEBRATE 50 YEARS OF CAMPAIGNS AND STRUGGLES, RESILIENCE AND SUCCESSES

This planned two-day event in London, backed up by a call for a week of actions all around the UK, is in support of those campaigning for full exposure and effective action at the Undercover Policing Inquiry, and against police attempts to delay and undermine it. We aim to encourage more groups to find out about the Inquiry and how they can get involved and support each other, and to unite the many different groups and organisations who have been victims of our police state because of their efforts to improve society. 

Backed by the Campaign to Oppose Police Surveillance [C.O.P.S.] - www.campaignopposingpolicesurveillance.com

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SIGN UP FOR GROUPS TO SUPPORT THIS PROPOSAL ------------------------------


YES we broadly support the proposal. Please add our name to the list of supporting organisations. 

Name of organisation ........................

Name of contact/rep ..................       Position in group ..........................

Contact details:   Email: .....................................    Phone: ..............................
We can:
___ Attend the Grosvenor Square Rally
___ Publicise the event(s)
___ Identify/loan/donate a 'historic' item for the exhibition
___ Organise a local celebration/commemoration event that week, and let you know the details when finalised
___ Help with planning the London event(s)

AND

Affiliate to the C.O.P.S campaign yourself here: 

Donate to the C.O.P.S campaign yourself here. (you can add a note specifying its for 50 yrs events if you wish):  

Subscribe to the C.O.P.S. campaign newsletter yourself here

Solidarity and thanks from the 50yrs events planning group!

Return form to:  50yrsevents@gmail.com

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Confrontation of students and CRS (riot police) in the Latin Quarter, Paris, May 1968
Mass meeting in Renault factory at Billancourt
Photographs from Solidarity Vol.5, no.4, October 1968 (between pp.14 & 15)
 
In this connection:

Jeudi 8 mars 2018 à 19h00
Musée national de l'histoire de l'immigration (Paris)

Quels rôles ont joué les étrangers en Mai 68 ? Quel est l’impact de ces  événements  sur leur engagement et leur militantisme ultérieur ? Pour y  répondre, Benjamin Stora, historien, Tewfik Allal, militant associatif,  et Ludivine Bantigny, auteure, croiseront leurs points de vue dans un  débat animé par Alexis Lacroix (L’Express). Une rencontre proposée à l’occasion du cinquantième anniversaire de Mai 68.
[What part was played by foreigners in May '68? What inpact did these events have on their commitment and latent militancy?]

Sunday, March 19, 2017

Greek Embassy, London, occupied: April 1967

Among several spectacular actions organised and carried out by member of Solidarity and the residual Committee of 100 in the 1960s was the occupation of the Greek Embassy in London one week after the "Colonels' coup" that inaugurated a 7-year dictatorship. 
For the 50th anniversary, this post presents a compilation of accounts of the event.

Photograph from the Solidarity article as below.
In the National Archives there are at least three relevant files:

MEPO 2/11073 Affray and forced entry into the Greek Embassy on 28 April 1967 by 42 people demonstrating ag[a]inst military coup which led to downfall of Greek leader George PAPANDREOUS 1967-1974 30-yr.-2004/5 (The Met file, seen 24-3-05).
Summary (from notes) - 
This large box-full tells the gripping yarn from the police point of view, with some extras like press cuttings and photos of the location, also a print of a picture that was on ITN News and in the Daily Express, of people surging out of a van.
There are lots of details including names, addresses, occupations etc., of those charged, how and by whom they were arrested, who stood bail for them, property they had on them, telex and phone numbers they had, and 51 charge-sheets (Form 609: nine or 10 of these seem to have been dropped, plus another later) with 'previous' where applicable.
Those charged were 30 men and 12 women. At first eleven (2 women) were designated as the 'Principals' on the basis of being political activists, 'well known agitators': famous left-libertarian/peace-movement names here included Terry Chandler*, Andy Anderson, Ron Bailey, Del Foley, Mike Randle, Heather Russell.

The file was closed for 30 years from 1974, when one of the 42 people charged was on an assault charge in Leicester and they dug up this one. (A document at the front of the file when this was seen, about a murder in 1987, name of Knowles, looks like a mis-file.) 
Background: 
* It was Terry Chandler who wrote on 13-6-63 to ask permission for Trafalgar Square to be used for a demonstration against the Visit of Greek royals,, 9-12 July 1963. The application was refused. (File WORK 20/360 Application to use Square for a public meeting by "Save Greece Now" organisation 1962-1963 seen 24-7-07).
A correspondent added with reference to the above file notes [25-3-05]Interesting memory jogger... Three of us from Glasgow... flew down on the night for 'action' (which they would not tell us about till we got to London) - as a result we were unprepared for it and acted only as 'lookouts' outside Embassy.


DPP 2/4381  Central Criminal Court Summer Session 1967.  Overy, Robert (24) and 41 others: 'closed until 2003';  'accelerated opening'. (Director of Public Prosecutions file, seen 13-8-04) 


Contains: Names; 30 m , 12 f.; handwritten notes re outcomes.
West End Central:  particulars of those arrested with address, occupation, age, d.o.b. (JN refused to disclose hers), arresting officer. All but 4 (bailed) refused finger-printing, which was then ordered; remanded to appear 6-5, Chandler in custody because no bail application [at this stage] - charge, forging US$.

Report by Dept Supt A Butler.  
Letter handed to butler, not available as immediately dispatched to Greece by embassy staff who can't or won't disclose contents. The girl with flowers asking to see Ambassador, crowd pushed passed her, up stairs; had large quantity of food etc., prepared for prolonged stay.  Au pair scared, also Ambassador's two young daughters who hid under a bed at one stage.   Secretary and cleaning woman were also on premises, police have been unable to see them, but plenty of other evidence: 

p.7 photos by NR, "also obviously a sympathiser", cine film, summonsed; had sold to ITN but they returned it; tape-recording of broadcast made by person living opposite.   

p.8 par.15. general turmoil and broken doors, but it must be admitted that most of the damage was caused by Police trying to get at the crowd; several cameras iinside but most film destroyed during general melee. Had hoped to obtain plan of interior but Ambassador unlikely to agree [did later].
par.19  charge of assault on PC Lilley - Chandler, most aggressive; PC taken to hospital, not seriously hurt (shoulder etc. - noted he was shut in a room at one point and had to break open the door). 

par.20  organisation obscure - most C100 or CND, on this occasion Save Greece Now. Some well known as Political agitators and would join anything likely to cause disorder. Principals listed.  
Question of possible charges - affray; could argue Greeks were "put in fear" but not "Queen's subjects"; note disorders have occurred whenever these individuals have appeared in court.
TC bailed at £200 on own recognisance + 2 sureties of £500.     

Schedule of previous convictions, dates, including at least one harking back to the Brighton "indecent behaviour in church" action.

List of exhibits; holdalls, tools, provisions; transcript of broadcast; phone nos including venue of a 'Solidarity meeting' and that of Nicolas and Ruth Walter.

Return of personal property:  D S Franklin p.6 saw KW and returned to him his personal property, retaining 2 screwdrivers, 1 torch, 2 batteries, 2 packets of tea and an ear phone wire and Weller said "They are my working tools. I am an electrician."                    
p.7 JN was asked Why so much food? - said "I needed it"; about dollar notes, said they were hers, just had them. GW was also asked about food, said 'Didn't know when I would eat next.'

Witness statements, indexed.  
p.12 Lilley: pushed some of them away from 5th floor; saw KW on 3rd floor, told him I was arresting him, he made no reply.
pp.51-2  Hanna, re JN: description age c23, blonde hair, clothes inc grey sandals & black mini-skirt; refused name, said "You can put Mary Smith, I'll tell the magistrate".
p.55  Williams, re GW: Found her sitting on floor with others; she said 'I'm pregnant' [underlined in pencil]; with other officers, I carried her to a police van. 

Peace News carried the story with a picture of "Ken Weller's pregnant wife" being shifted down the stairs.

FCO 9/225 Deals with diplomatic and international repercussions of Greek Embassy occupation 28-4-1967, one week after the Colonels' coup. (Foreign & Commonwealth Office file, seen 13-8-04)


Several documents are dated 29-4-67 (the day following the event):
  • Greek Ambassador suggested quite unofficially, not telling Athens, that Sec of State issue statement deploring hooligan acts - told him in middle of the night that SoS greatly regretted....   message sent.
  • formal statement in advance of protest note may seem over-egging.
  • raised questions: what happened, how many got in, how they got in, what precautions to prevent similar in future; report being prepared. 42 including principal trouble-makers arrested so no further trouble likely.
  • to Athens: 1 Greek girl, others all Brits; police say they're a mixed bag including anarchists, Trotskyists and C100, and many are "professonal agitators".
  • Ambassador: said such things did not happen even in Cuba and Albania.  Story that 15 escaped from unlocked police van invention, denied by police.
  • police had been alerted to possible trouble but had no advance indication; 2 were on duty with a 3rd in reserve.  Intruders got in by a ruse.  Alleged threat to kidnap Ambassador and keep as hostage; events in Greece.
  • relationship between credibility of political evolution in Greece and effectiveness of agitation.
  • to Athens: you may wish to take precautions against possible counter-demos.   
  • only casualty was a policeman, not serious.
A lingering and variegated aftermath (in approximate reverse chronological order, noted from the same file)

1-6-68 to Norwegian section Amnesty International re sentences imposed on Chandler and Randle.  Home Sec has considered.. no grounds on which he can justify recommending any special remission.    8-5-68 from Norwegian section AI: do not approve what they did but penalty unnecessarily harsh.

29-4-68  Confidential memo (PM brief) on the various organisations - Greek Committee Against Dictatorship et al. re reply to Joan Lestor MP c/o 21st April Freedom Rally. Members of Govt have expressed concern.... approach being made to European Court of Human Rights by Scand & Netherland govts., seems right way.  
21-4-68 Resolution of Greek Freedom Rally.
22-4-68  FO to Athens. Summary of impressions of rally by I T Boag: c5,000; message read, speakers inc Prof Spraos, smuggled out; quiet & well-handled, repeated appeal not to stop at Embassy and not to go to Downing St., although a delegation did hand in the resolution at No. 10;  attempts to start chants, slogans (& handouts in draft) but general apathy, lack of involvement: polite applause; students, tourists (demo part of visit to London).  Nothing to justify fears of Mr S (ambassador) as in your telegram. 

17-4-68 Telegram - Ambassador wants to know if police have plans to protect embassy; fears re Cypriot CP, London Greek Cypriots; has heard they may have lethal weapons (intelligence sources).  Sir M Stewart : said there could be no question of banning the demo but would warn police.     
8-4-68  Aide-memoire from Greek embassy re GCAD giving their address, tel no, bank account no.; Prof J Spraos; alleged contacts with Br govt.

25-1-68  Report of incident at inquiry desk.  5 men and two girls arrived about 12.15, from 'Save Greece [Now]', saw Mr Lucas who after discussion (said to be amicable, reasonable) told them to go, said receptionist must get rid of them.  Police officer came in to see if we were all right as they had had trouble at the Home Office, tried to reason with the students, then police reinforcements arrived and carried them out 'one by one'.  No abuse or rudeness from any but they were obstinate about leaving. - Phoebe Moon.   Lisa Baker: I saw the end of the incident, alerted by some of my staff; in fact the second leader called police bastards, a remark repeated several times by him and one of the young women present.
22-1-68 Reply re/to Save Greece Now (draft 18/1).          Mr Brown apologised to the Ambassador over invasion. Chandler, Foley and Randle 15, 6, 12 mths.  Home Sec (J Callaghan) has asked Mr Brown fro views re commuting sentences.  Par. 8  SGN (Save Greece Now) has strong connections with the C100 and the proscribed (footnote: by the LP) league for Democracy in Greece.                            
14-1-68  SGN letter, signed by E Rodker on behalf of himself, Andrew Papworth, Bob Overy.
3-1-68  To person in Mallorca: we can only use Royal Prerogative if fresh facts, not the case here [lies]. 

21-12-67  Home Sec considering releasing youngest (DF); has been discussed at official level, but would not wish to do so if it would cause embarrassment to the FO - actually not, might help presentationally with 'unpopular things to come' (- Rodgers) .       HO officials not inclined to recommend reduction.
21-12-67  HS's Note: in view of severity of sentences, have been wondering whether I should not as an act of clemency and considering developments with the King...
Speaking notes:  clemency only, foreign policy grounds shd not be mentioned.  Breaching immunity of diplomatic premises is an activity we all deplore.
21-12-67 'Fowley' due for release 1st Feb., HS still not sure what is the right thing to do; no question re other two, professional agitators.
2-12-67  K Struwe letter: freedom of speech, conscience-directed action.
21-12-67  Home Sec. had seen a large and impressive volume of correspondence which led him to think about reconsidering... We can advise use of the Roy Prerogative in any case but convention has grown that do so only if fresh material; perhaps we have enough to justify this; HS seemed inclined to take this course.

Resistance, magazine of the National Committee of the Committee of 100, vol.4 no.4. p.5
20-12-67  Macrae, Central Dept, to Br Emb Washington:  short account of what happened - 100-200 went to Gr Emb about 8 p.m. 28-4-67, got in and barricaded themselves on 1st floor, equipped with tools and loud-speaking equipment. 42 arrested after 10-15 mins., 38 remanded in custody, 4 [who gave fingerprints voluntarily, inc DF] bailed and bound over. Greece made formal protest, For Sec expressed regret, apologies.  41 committed for trial charged with riotous assembly, conspiracy to trespass (forcible entry charge dropped mainly because of the Ambassador's scruples about allowing the 3 prinicipal witnesses to testify); 26 conditional discharge [inc GW], 12 fined btwn £20 7 £100 [KW £40); 3 gaoled.  Appeals not upheld though beliefs recognised to be sincere; recently HS had declined to advise Roy Prer.  Correspondence columns of press esp Guardian and New Statesman have been full of protests but very few letters received at FO so no standard form of reply, might help to have a copy of the Lord Chancellor's.
15-12-67 Br Emb Washington to FO: enclosing 3 letters of protest, from different parts of US - probably WRI connection (Randle), they will have asked supporters to write so this may be the start of bulky correspondence.  11-12-67  letter 1, connecting with Vietnam - R Quick    others 9-12, 8-12 (E Deutsch)
15-11-67  House of Lords, Gardiner Chancellor?  Now that matter no longer sub judice, can reply; action obviously carefully planned etc.  £100 fine was a rich man, famer and industrialist.  List appended of Chandler's previous.  14-12-67 Hansard cols 611-2, Oral answers> Rose, Winnick.    
31-10-67  Guardian  Two refuse to pay fines as protest (A Papworth, Valerie Dickson - "all equal participants")                    16-10-67  from War Resisters in Israel.  
17-10-67  Guardian  letter from Nic & Ruth Walter. 
10-8-67 Lucas, Cent Dept. Reasons for not calling witnesses - butler Yugoslav, could be trouble.  It seems students and those who played minor part may get off with fine or even caution but ring-leaders and professional agitators could get 9 months or more. 
26-7-67 from Bridges, Athens: keep me posted re new charge etc. - Greeks taking an interest
22-7-67  Guardian editorial: making charge fit alleged crime - conspiracy to trespass an out-dated legal rarity. .           Times 6-6-67  1381 charge (f.e.) rejected.
6-6-67  from FO: Mr Secy Brown greatly regrets this intrusion...              
2-6-67 advise no ref to indemnification - Greek Note reserves right to claim compensation for damage [caused by police action - see DPP]
22-5-67  Ambassador's attitude re witnesses something of a mystery.                
17-5-67  Greek Embassy formal protest: premises invaded by raiders...

One of the "professional agitators" the authorities were out to get (and did), Michael Randle, gave his own account of what happened as he remembered it, in The Blake Escape (co-written with Pat Pottle - who was luckier on this occasion), 1989. 



p.199

p.201
The action led to a short discussion in Parliament:
Foreign Embassies (Protection)
HC Deb 22 June 1967 vol 748 cc1929-30 [col.]1929
§10. Mr. Tapsell asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what steps he takes to protect foreign embassies in London.
§15. Mr. Walters asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is satisfied with the present arrangements for the protection of foreign embassies in London; and if he will make a statement.
§Mr. Roy Jenkins The Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis is responsible for deciding the degree of protection to be given to embassies in London; he is satisfied that the present arrangements, which involve a substantial deployment of manpower, are adequate.
§Mr. Tapsell I thank the right hon. Gentleman. Does not he agree, particularly in view of the actions which have been permitted to take place in a number of foreign countries, that it is all the more important that we should set an example of civilised behaviour by protecting embassies in London? Does not he further agree that any failure in this respect should be taken very seriously?
§Mr. Jenkins In general, I agree with what the hon. Gentleman has said, and I know that the Commissioner attaches importance to this aspect of the matter. At present, two sergeants and 111 constables are employed full-time on this duty, but clearly there has to be some limit to the amount of manpower so used.
§Mr. Walters Bearing in mind how strongly we feel, quite rightly, about demonstrations and violence against our embassies or any other embassies abroad, should we not ensure that incidents such as that which took place at the Greek Embassy—
§Mr. Speaker Order. That matter is sub judice. The hon. Gentleman may put a general question but not refer to that specific case.
§Mr. Walters —should we not make sure that incidents of any kind against any embassy in London do not take place?
§Mr. Jenkins I agree that it is very undesirable that incidents should take place.


In 1963 the Committee became involved in marches and demonstrations organised under the ad hoc Save Greece Now committee, from the Greek royal visit in summer 1963, through to the invasion of the Greek Embassy on 2 April 1967. As the decade progressed the political initiative passed to the anti-Vietnam War movement and nuclear disarmament shifted down the political agenda. The London Committee disbanded in January 1968 and the National Committee followed in the September.

And others
Greek Committee Against Dictatorship 1967-1974;
Campaign for Release of Political Prisoners in Greece
'Inside the Greek Embassy Case', by Andy Anderson

UPDATE: Maria Styllou has also told her story, April 2017, in Socialist Worker online.

Solidarity of course also produced its own account of the event and the consequences for those who took part, in vol. 4 No.8, July 1967, pp.1-4 POLICE MOB SEIZE EMBASSY! by "Dan Thersites".

"...[I]t was only logical that a group of people should come together at the news of the recent coup in Greece, with a view to effective counter-action."

"Our reporter met with a discreet and judicious silence when probing for details
concerning the prior organisation of the demonstration."

The police were very violent... About 60 demonstrators entered the embassy...
There was a huge response to the action.
[Lessons include] that demonstrations can still have an impact,
and that internationalism is not dead...
The big stick of the police must not be allowed to deter future action.




Friday, July 1, 2016

Trying Times: More Anarchists in 1894, Part 2

Witnesses for the Defence.

WILLIAM MORRIS . I live at 26, Upper Mall, Hammersmith—I knew Cantwell as a member of the Socialist League, of which I was a member—I never heard him oppose acts of outrage, but such questions did not arise at that time—I am the author of this verse upon the placard—I knew Cantwell pretty well, as I should have known the other members of the league for some time, and my impression of him is that he was a very good-natured man; I should have thought he would not have done any harm to anybody or anything—he was, perhaps, rather rash, or boyish is the word I should use about him. (The COURT ruled that MR. FARRELLY could not ask the witness questions as to principles Cantwell had expressed formerly, or as to the meaning of the verse upon the placard.)
Cross-examined. I have not seen much of him lately—it is something less than five years since I left the Socialist League, but I have seen Cantwell since.

EVELYN GEORGE STRIDE . I live at 33, Calderon Road, Leytonstone, and am clerk to a foreign exchange broker—I was present at the Tower Hill meeting on 29th June—I saw Quin there—there was a good deal of interruption of his speech—it seemed as if the interrupters were interrupting purposely, as if they came for that purpose—I am not acquainted with the prisoners—I never saw them before the meeting—I come to give evidence because I saw a letter in the Weekly Times and Echo asking anybody who was present on 29th June to communicate with Mr. Bamford, the solicitor—I heard part of Quin's speech—I was there about five or seven minutes before the meeting broke up—I did not hear him say anything about bombs, or "Damn the Queen," or incite to murder anybody—I did not see him distribute pamphlets. 

Cross-examined. I arrived at the meeting about five or ten minutes before it closed—Quin was then speaking—he held in front of him the large yellow bill—I could read the largest letters—I do not approve of it—I did not hear the beginning of his speech—there was a good deal of interruption at the close—there seemed persistent cries from some of the crowd—I heard, "Shut up"—I did not hear, "Shoot them!" or "Lynch them!"—I saw Quin all at once disappear very quickly from the parapet—I don't know how it was; he might have been jostled off—I heard no reference to M. Carnot or France, or the things that had been done there, or that should be done there.

JOSEPH LEWIS . I live at 41, Buxton Street, Mile End New Town—I am a furrier, but having no employment in my trade my recent occupation is selling in the street—I was present at the Tower Hill meeting on 29th June, selling pictures and views in connection with the Tower Bridge—my attention was drawn by the crowd of people, and I went to sell my pictures—I was present during the whole of Cantwell's speech—I did not hear him use any violent language, or incite to murder, or use the word "bombs"—I stood ten or fifteen yards from the platform, on the fringe of the crowd—I could hear quite plainly, with the exception of some parts which I lost—I could hear as well as the ordinary crowd, I consider—I did not hear him say, "The deeds that have been done are not half bad enough to an extent," or "Perhaps there will be some more deeds worse," or "Make war against the blood-suckers"—I heard him say the workers were to organise against the capitalist—I did not hear him say, "Plenty in England to be served the same," or "There is a necessity these people should be removed," or "I will both fight and die: I shall be heard of tomorrow," or "The assassination of Carnot is fully justified," or "The Royal vermin should be served like other vermin" I heard him say, as far as I could understand, that the Royal Family should not open the bridge, but the workmen who built it—I did not hear the word "bombs" used—I did not hear, "They have done a good deed in assassinating Carnot," or "There will be some more of that," or "We have made ourselves felt in France, and will make ourselves felt here"—there was great uproar during the proceedings—I did not hear, "There are plenty Milling to die. I will lead them if they will follow"—I did not hear Quin inciting to murder—I did not hear, "We were heard of in France, and we will be heard of again and again," or "Out of a little harm great good will come"—I did not hear Quin say, "I hate the Royal Family"; he said he disliked the Royal Family—I did not hear him say, "D—the Queen"—I should recollect it most probably if I had heard it—I saw no pamphlets distributed, I am certain of that, because I should be the first man to hold out my hand for a pamphlet—I did not see any if they were distributed publicly.

Cross-examined. I have sold views and pictures daily for eight weeks—the last time I worked as a furrier was at Tibbett's, a leather merchant, about three months ago—I am not a speaker at these meetings; my views are against Anarchists—I am a Socialist—I speak at Socialist meetings when invited; I take no prominent part—possibly I spoke at an unemployed meeting in November last year upon the plea that I was unemployed, which I was—I have attended these meetings if I have been unemployed—I don't know that that has been often, with the exception of last winter, when I was out of employment—I attended the unemployed meetings in Hyde Park on one or two occasions—I attended the Tower Hill meetings last year—I may have spoken on Tower Hill just after Christmas, previous to my last employment—possibly I spoke there on 13th March, 1894—the burden of my speech was to endeavour to get the workers to organise to protect their own interests—I might have spoken in condemnation of the capitalist class; that was the subject-matter of my speech, for political action—I think I was unemployed in March—my principal occupation for the last year has not been attending meetings of the unemployed in Hyde Park and on Tower Hill; I may have been in work some days and not others—I was on the fringe of the crowd on this occasion; it grew large as it went on—I don't think there were three hundred or four hundred people—there was great confusion, but not among most of the people—I heard cries of "Lynch them" and "Lynch him," but the cries seemed to come from an individual throat—there was a surging mass of people moving towards the parapet, and then I believe Cantwell got down after some time—I cannot say whether I saw Quin get down—I believe he was interrupted in his speech, and that was the reason he got down—the crowd said some very nasty things—one of the crowd used the word "bombs" as a question put to the prisoners, "Did they have a bomb in their pocket?"—I have heard abuse of the Royal Family on several occasions—I did not hear such abuse on this occasion; I am quite sure—I heard, "I dislike the Royal Family"; I do not look on that as abuse—I heard Carnot's name mentioned by one of the crowd, but no reference to him from the speakers—one of the crowd called out, "What about the murder of Carnot?"—I heard no answer to that; the noise was very great—I heard no reference to France—I heard words to the effect that the Tower Bridge was to be opened to-morrow by Royalty, but the workers were the right people to open it, because they built it. and the speaking was much in the same strain about the bridge—the speaker went on about the bridge being built by the workers, and they did not have the benefit of it and the opening of it; and then it seemed to turn a rowdy meeting, and what else was said was partly lost by the noise—all I heard clearly with reference to the bridge was that it should be opened by the workers instead of Royalty—Cantwell may have spoken from twenty minutes to half an hour—I don't say I have given all he said; that was all I heard.

Re-examined. I am opposed to Anarchist ideas; I am subpoenaed here—there was a good deal of interruption at the meeting—my idea was there were three or four people there organised for the purpose of upsetting the meeting—I did not go for the sole purpose of attending the meeting—I had been selling there from ten in the morning—I was ten or fifteen yards from the prisoners, and there was room for four hundred or five hundred people to stand between me and them, because the place is very wide—I never spoke at a meeting till six or seven months ago—I had seen some of the organised interrupters at other unemployed meetings.

[Re-examined] By the COURT. I stayed to the end of the meeting—it ended in confusion—the whole of the meeting seemed to run away towards where the prisoners went—they followed the prisoners as quick as possible, and out of curiosity, I expect, to see what would happen to the prisoners—I did not follow them—I did not think the crowd would lynch them; they followed them just the same as any opposition at an ordinary meeting.

SAMUEL JOHN PARKHOUSE . I live at 32, Branscombe Road, Acre Lane, Brixton, and am a hackney carriage driver—I have been a police constable in the P and D Divisions—on 29th June I was on Tower Hill with my cab, on the rank—I heard the prisoners speaking from the parapet—I did not hear them incite to murder, or use the word "bomb"—I had never seen them before—I did not hear them say, "The deeds that have been done are not half bad enough to an extent; we must make war against the blood-suckers; plenty will be served the same in England; it will be necessary to remove the heads of States"—I heard something about the working classes, that they would not put up with the capitalists—I did not hear, "They have done a good thing in assassinating Carnot"—I heard them say, "We shall be heard of again"—I thought they meant the next day—I saw some pamphlets in the crowd—I did not see either of the prisoners distributing them—I did not hear Quin say, in reference to the assassination of Carnot, "Out of a little harm great good will come," nor about using bombs—I did not hear him say, "I hate the Royal Family"—he said, "There is quite as good in the meeting to go and open the Tower Bridge to-morrow as the Royal Family"—I did not hear him say," D—the Queen."

Cross-examined. There was some uproar during Quin's speech among the crowd—I could hear pretty plainly—I did not hear Quin's speech—I was on my cab, twenty-five yards away—I could hear pretty well what he said—I have said what I did hear—there were 300 or 400 people, I should think—two or three people seemed to annoy the rest; they kept interrupting the speakers—Cantwell got down, because the crowd swayed towards him—there were two or three agitators in the crowd who were annoyed at him delivering his speech—I don't know the agitators' names—they were agitating against the prisoners—I could not say they were annoying the rest of the people—I believe Quin was pulled off the wall by the agitators—I did not see the prisoners run for their lives; they ran away, and the crowd followed up—they could not run very fast, with such a crowd round them—I could not say they ran away; the whole crowd went after them, because, I suppose, the agitators going after them, the crowd followed, as they usually do—I heard Cantwell's speech fairly well, considering the noise—I heard him say, "The working classes will not be depressed by the capitalists," and "We shall be heard of again"—after that he made some remarks about the Tower Bridge opening to-morrow; that was the next thing—he had said it before, but he brought it forward again—I am positive I did not hear the word "bomb" used by anybody—somebody called out "bomb," but it was not the prisoners—I did not hear any reference to Monsieur Carnot by anyone—Cantwell made some reference to France, saying "The Government of France has been oppressive, and other Governments will have to be come at in some way; we shall have to make them come to the working classes"—I did not hear him say, "M. Carnot, the President of the Republic, has been assassinated, and there will have to be something of the same kind here, in order to get the working classes' rights"—I left the police in 1878, because I lost a sister-in-law who was on board the Princess Alice, and I went to the Inspector and asked him to let me off that night, to make arrangements, and he would not allow me off, and so I took leave, and I was compelled to resign.
Re-examined. When the crowd moved after the prisoners the agitators were pushing about among themselves.
"Gothic style drawbridge opened on 30th June 1894."
Scene of protests past and recent, not quite as it was then: 
 surroundings may have changed but the spirit of revolt survives.

JOHN ROCHE . I am a seaman—I was present at the meeting on Tower Hill the day before the opening of the bridge—I was selling medals of the Tower Bridge and photographs of the Prince of Wales—I was present during the whole of the prisoners' speeches; they stood on the parapet of the Tip-Top Tea Company's warehouse—I should say Cantwell spoke about half-past one or two, as near as I could guess—I did not hear either of them incite to murder, nor use the word "bomb"—I never saw them before till that day—Cantwell did not say, "The deeds that have been done are not half bad enough"—I did not hear him use the French President's name at all—he did not say, "We intend to make war"—all he said was "The Royal Family is coming down here to open the bridge to-morrow, and the public and the working men have more right to be on the Tower Bridge and open the bridge than the Royal Family, because the Prince of Wales is only living on the sweat of the brow of the working men"—I did not hear him say, referring to the assassination of Carnot, "There are plenty in England to be served the same," nor "It is a necessity that these people should be removed"—I was there throughout the whole proceedings—I did not hear him say, "I will both fight and die," nor "The Royal vermin should be served like other vermin"—I did not hear him say anything about Royal vermin—he did not say, "They are only fit for bombs"—I heard someone in the crowd say, when Cantwell was speaking, "If old Hawkins had hold of you he would make warm work of you, and you ought to be before him"—someone in the crowd not far from me shouted "Another Le Caron," referring to the man who said that Cantwell ought to be before old Hawkins—I did not hear Cantwell say, "They have done a good thing in assassinating Carnot; there are plenty willing to die; I will lead them if they will follow"—I went to Lockhart's coffee-rooms, after it was all over, and I noted down Quin's speech; not all of it; only what I could catch—I did not hear Quin say, "We were heard of in France, and will be heard of to-morrow and again and again," nor "Out of a little harm great good will be gained," nor "If I did use bombs, it would be for the benefit of the working men"—he said he did not like the Royal Family; he did not say he hated them—I did not hear him say, "D—the Queen"—if he had there might have been a rush on him.

Cross-examined. There was a rush upon him—if he had excited the public to murder he would not have been living, and in the dock now—the prisoners both ran away, and so would you if they had tried to kill you—the crowd ran after them—I went about my business—I went to Lockhart's for my tea a little after four, and then made a note of the speeches—at any public meeting I go to I take a bit of a note; it is a hobby of mine—I have been at a few meetings, not on Tower Hill—I was at the back of the crowd; there might have been more than 400 people—there was more shouting than disturbance—I cannot say why the crowd said the prisoners ought to be taken before Mr. Justice Hawkins.

DANIEL HANDS . I am a basket manufacturer, of 50, St. Paul's Road, Camden Town—this is Cantwell's knife—he has had it for eight years or more, using it for his work and other purposes—he was a basket maker—I have been in business about eleven years—Cantwell was extremely steady, hard working, and industrious—he worked for me for about four years—he made no concealment about this knife—I became acquainted with him when he was working in America—it is very usual to carry a revolver there—I am not an Anarchist, and have no sympathy with them—I belong to the Church of England—I know Cantwell perfectly well—he used to live and work in the same house with me in America and here.

Cross-examined. I know he has been connected with the Commonweal newspaper—I believe he has lived at 24, Sidmouth Mews—I know he spends a good deal of his time on the Commonweal, but I can't say what he does in connection with it—he has been connected with Socialists and Anarchists lately.
Re-examined. He has occasionally worked at his trade as well; I have had him to assist me when I have been busy—five or six weeks ago was the last occasion when he assisted me, I should say—I believe he used this knife then.

JOHN WILLIAMS . I live at 20, Collard Road, Walthamstow—I am a painter, in work—I was present at the unemployed meetings last winter on Tower Hill—I presided at the unemployed meeting on 16th January—Quin spoke; he requested my permission to do so—I was instructed by the executive to tell speakers that they were to keep to the question of the unemployed, and that no violent language was to be used—if violent language had been used I should have stopped the speaker, and denounced him—I have stopped speakers—I emphatically deny that the language, as given by Walsh, was used—when a speaker is up who does not belong to the Social Democratic Association, I never move from the parapet until he has finished, acting under the instructions of my committee—Quin might have told the meeting to adopt the principles of Christian Anarchism, as he was not a Socialist.
                           
Cross-examined. I do not allow violent speaking as a rule, nor as an exception; I apply that rule to myself—I do not make strong speeches—I am prepared to stand by the police reports of all the speeches I have made—I believe I made a speech on 11th January, 1894, to the unemployed on Tower Hill, when Partridge and Hunter Watts were there—I did not say that I had said enough from time to time to put me under the care of the authorities; but that "I did not care one damn for Mr. Asquith or his satellites, and that I was fully prepared to run any risk"—Mr. Asquith has declared in the House of Commons that at all times I used such mild language that they could not get me within the power of the law—I said at that meeting that I was prepared to go to almost any length to compel the authorities to turn their attention to the unemployed question; that the only course open to the unemployed was to do something to bring them under notice, parade the streets, and they might depend upon it that, if one or two of them had to suffer, the majority would soon gain their object—I did not say I would do something to terrorise the capitalists—I don't think I asked my audience if they were prepared to strike terror into the hearts of the capitalists; I won't be too sure—I put it to them if any of them could be worse off if they were in prison, and they answered, "No"—I may have said, "Will you follow me one day next month?" and I daresay they said, "Yes"—I did not say, "We will go into Trafalgar Square, watch the divisions from which the police are drawn, and then go into the unprotected quarters and take those things you want;" nothing to that effect—I don't remember saying, "I will get up a scrimmage to create a diversion, and after the first scrimmage something will be done"—I won't swear I did not say it—I spoke at a meeting on 5th February this year—I did not tell the audience that they must remember they had chemicals on their side—I said, "The police have commenced their brutality; they must remember that science is not all on one side; science is also on the side of other men"—I did not say that they could make a small package for twopence, which, if carelessly laid down, would dispose of a few big constables, nor that a friend of mine had once said to me, "Send them to heaven by the chemical parcel post"—I said, "A friend of mine, in speaking of Joseph Chamberlain and other men, in addressing an unemployed audience, said that before these men would listen to opinions of those who were workless, they would have to be sent to heaven by chemical parcel post"—he was referring to those in power, I presume—I was speaking of John Burns, and I gave a quotation—I had been talking to the unemployed on the subject of how hard it was to get the authorities to listen to the claims of the unemployed, and then I said what my friend had told me—I did not say that my audience should not be armed with sticks, but with chemicals, which were much better—I did not ask them to go armed in future—I said that if the police were prepared to use violence on all occasions in the processions of the unemployed, the unemployed were, in my judgment, justified in using force—I said that they should not allow themselves to be kicked and stamped upon, as they were on Saturday, and they would be justified in using force to prevent it—I do not think I spoke at the meeting on 30th January—I abide by my view that something ought to be done by the unemployed, and that nothing would be done until the authorities are compelled to listen to their claims.
Re-examined. At the time John Burns said what I have given he was an unemployed leader.

GEORGE BANTING . I am a commercial traveller, of 125, Randolph Street—on June 29th, the day before the opening of the Tower Bridge, I heard Cantwell speak—he did not incite to murder anybody—I went to Tower Hill on business, and was there from one to 2.10 or 2.15—I do not know either of the prisoners—I saw a notice in the Echo from Mr. Bamford, saying that if anybody happened to be there, to come forward and state what they heard, and my wife said it was my duty to go—I stood in front of the speakers during the meeting, about the fourth row from the parapet—I heard all Cantwell's speech—I did not hear him say, "The deeds that have been done are not half bad enough in extent" referring to the assassination of M. Carnot, or "We must make war against the blood-suckers, "or" Plenty will be served the same in England," or "It will be necessary to remove the heads of States," or "Bombs shall be used," or "They have done a good thing assassinating Carnot"—I heard, "What about Carnot?" shouted out as an interruption to his address—I have it on my memory because I was anxious to know how anybody could justify the murder of Carnot—he said, "There are fanatics in every cause, and I am not here to defend them"—I have no recollection of hearing him say, "We shall be heard again and again"—I did not hear him say, "There are plenty willing to die, and I will lead them if they will follow"—I did not see either of the prisoners distributing pamphlets—I heard the whole of Quin's speech; he was not so long speaking as Cantwell—the first words he said were, "I stand here as a Christian Anarchist," and he went on to speak of the orphans of those who lost their lives in building the bridge which was going to be opened the following day, and quoted a few lines from Edward Carpenter and Shelley, and some Biblical quotations in reference to Christ—he said he was a Christian Anarchist, and that Christ said, "Suffer little children to come unto me," and he was only speaking on behalf of the helpless orphans and widows—I did not hear him say, "Further than France we shall be heard of again"—I never heard any justification from either of them of the assassination of Carnot—I did not hear the word "bomb," or "I hate the Royal Family"—he did not, at the end of his speech, say, "D—the Queen."

Cross-examined by MR. MATHEWS. I was in a shop on Tower Hill at one o'clock; I reckon I was there about 1.30 or 1.35—the meeting seemed to increase, because I took the outside ring at first, and when there was an interruption I looked round and saw people at the back of me—the interruption came from a quarter of the crowd concentrated in a particular corner; the interruptions were hostile to the speakers, and the demonstrations in their favour—the first interruption was "How about Carnot?" shouted very loud—Cantwell, who was speaking, replied, "There are fanatics in every cause, and I am not here to speak for such"—he went on speaking and dwelling on the fact that men had lost their lives, and said he could not imagine a more horrible bondage; even a hero lost his life in obtaining bread for his children—I cannot say that I heard much hostile demonstration, and there would have been none if it had not been for the interruptions—I think the majority of the men there wanted to hear what was to he said—the speakers did not refer to bombs except to ask if they could find the word in any literature which came from them, and no answer came—I have not read the pamphlet, of which he had some dozen copies on him—Cantwell was the first speaker; he got down from the wall, and then Quin got up—there were a lot hanging on the wall, and I should not be surprised if he was jostled down—the crowd did hot move towards the parapet with a view of tearing him off the wall—I did not see them make for him—I do not remember hearing the words, "The Government of France has been oppressive, and our Government will have to be seen to the same way to come to the working classes"—I cannot swear it was not said; I cannot remember everything; I have got my living to get—I heard the whole of Quin's speech—I heard him say with regard to France that he quite agreed with his comrade with reference to that dastardly dead in France; as a Christian he felt bound to do so—he said that he entirely endorsed all that had been said by Cantwell—I swear he did not say, "We have been heard of in France, and we will be heard of here to-morrow, again and again"—I listened very intently, and I assure you I could not hear a word to call forth anger from anyone, and I was very much surprised at the crowd—it was only a small minority of the crowd who were angry with Cantwell—Quin did not speak so long as Cantwell—I did not see Cantwell pulled off the wall—I have very convenient eyes; they have always been very convenient to me, and I am very proud of them—I did not see Cantwell run away or see the crowd follow; they stood on the parapet and behind the parapet as well, and it was impossible to see who was behind the wall—I was in front—I did not see either of the prisoners run away and the crowd follow them; I went straight away about my work—someone rushed at a speaker last night, but he was drunk—I do not suggest these persons were drunk—when they get a manly, straight-forward answer, I say it is a manly duty to be silent—I sympathise with the speakers—I did not hear Justice Hawkins' name mentioned—I did not hear the interruption.

Re-examined. I heard the whole of Cantwell's speech—I should say five or six people interrupted, speaking roughly from memory—they were all concentrated in one corner, in front on the left—Quin described himself, and spoke of Him who said "Suffer little children to come unto me," and went on to describe what He said; I remember it because it sounded so beautiful—I heard the whole of what was said on the platform; I was anxious to know what was coming from persons who called themselves Anarchists, and therefore I was very intent—nobody rushed from the front—of course I plead ignorance of what occurred after the meeting was over; I had my business to attend to—I was in the fourth row from the speakers, directly in front of them.

HENRY SUTCIJFFE . I am a packer, of Clyde Road, Tottenham—I have seen Quin; once he posed as a Christian Anarchist, and explained what that meant—I am not an Anarchist; I am a Radical—he did not advocate the use of force on that occasion; he distinctly said he did not believe in force—that was one Sunday evening in the winter, when he was lecturing at the gas-works; I cannot say the exact date.

JAMES CURTIS (Affirmed). I am a carpenter, but at present I am keeping a coffee-house at 14, Monville Road—I have been acquainted with Cantwell since the end of 1887—he is a very harmless, inoffensive man—I have had conversation with him many times, and have heard him speak in Hyde Park and Farringdon Road and the club-house at Morton—he is a basket maker—I am not an Anarchist, I oppose it on principle; it is very good as an ideal—I am a member of the Social Democratic Federation.
Cross-examined by MR. MATHEWS. There is a party of the Socialistic League led by Mr. Morris, and there is what you call the Commonweal group.

HERMAN DITCHER (Affirmed). I live at 81, Russell Road, Wimbledon—I am a Social Democrat, but in no way an Anarchist—I have known Cantwell six or seven years, and have heard him oppose the war of violence and outrage.

BRUCE WALLACE . I am a minister of the Congregational Union—I became acquainted with Quin by meeting him in London Fields about a year ago, when he was attending some matter in connection with the Ministers' Union, and afterwards at some of the conferences held on Sunday afternoons in my own church—his general character is good as far as I know—he describes himself as a Christian Anarchist Communist.

JOHN COLEMAN KENWORTHY (Affirmed). I live at 6, St. Andrew's Road, Plaistow—I met Quin at an open-air meeting at London Fields last year about September—I was interested in him in consequence of a letter of his which appeared in the Daily Chronicle in reference to a book of mine which had been recently reviewed—I know him as a man who professes Christianity, and takes an interest in social movements—I am an author and journalist.

THE VERDICT
GUILTY .— Six Months' Hard Labour each.

Link above will provide the text without the added colour and other minor changes/corrections.

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And still trying to sort those pesky protestors
Could it have been some kind of collective/folk memory handed down in the Met that led them to take such bizarrely inappropriate action against anti-royalist demonstrators at the same site 108 years later...? (They didn't win that time.)