Showing posts with label Walsall Anarchists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Walsall Anarchists. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 20, 2019

Walsall Anarchists and West Midlands Police

– a personal experience of using the “Freedom of Information Act” to research anarchist history
                                                                                                    by Christopher Draper


In 1892 four Walsall anarchists were imprisoned for a bomb plot orchestrated by Auguste Coulon, a police agent-provocateur. Although the police and trial judge conspired to conceal Coulon’s role he subsequently boasted of his involvement to reporters. For over a century the Metropolitan Police refused to disclose details of its part in securing conviction until in 2001 there was a breakthrough. Despite claims that all relevant documents had either been lost or destroyed a serving police officer seeking early retirement and academic respectability was granted access to hitherto hidden Special Branch files to complete his PhD: ”Three “Special Account” books, each measuring 160mm by 200mm, and printed into five columns per page. They detail, among other items, what appears to be the cash amounts paid out to individual informants. In all, approximately six thousand individual entries span a total of the twenty four years from 1888 to 1912”.


These files revealed Coulon was paid almost £1,000 by the Metropolitan Police (and incidentally also revealed the previously unsuspected involvement of a second police agent in a separate high-profile “anarchist-terrorist conspiracy). This initiative prompted me to wonder whether the Walsall anarchists’ local police force might similarly be sitting on undisclosed evidence so in September 2017 I made a formal FOI request to West Midlands Police (WMP) for copies of documents relating to this 1892 case. It has taken almost 1½ years for that simple enquiry to be concluded and in the hope that it might amuse, enlighten and encourage fellow researchers I’ve recorded details of my quest.


My initial FOI was emailed to WMP on 4.9.2017. WMP replied on 12.9.2017 suggesting I instead contact their ”Heritage Project” adding, Can I please ask you to confirm that you are happy for this request to be withdrawn under the FOI Act?”  I responded by refusing to withdraw and insisting on a formal FOI response. The law allows 20 working days for an FOI response so on 7.10.2017 I reminded WMP, ”After 25 working days you are yet to comply. It is regrettable that a Police Authority should demonstrate such little regard for the law…”


I received a substantive response on 9.10.2017 declaring my FOI “Vexatious” which technically means it would take them too much effort and consequently cost more than the nominal £450 the Act allows to supply the information I requested (WMP later suggested my request was also vexatious in the non-technical sense as I was impertinent). “The information that we hold in respect of your request is a very old, large, fragile and very rare document. It is not suitable for scanning and therefore we would have to investigate the provision of specialised services in order to supply an electronic copy to you. This would be costly and burdensome.”


WMP had whetted my appetite – they’d revealed they held a relevant old and rare document. At this point FOI inquirers can either accept the brush-off or if they choose to persevere must request an authority reviews its own FOI decision. On 18.10.2017 I did the latter, pointing out to WMP that historic documents are nowadays digitally photographed in situ with minimal handling or cost. On 13.11.2017 WMP’s internal review conceded, “You suggested that the documents could simply be photographed… this is a sensible suggestion”!  Then WMP went on to explain that as their resulting photographs weren’t clear enough “to be certain that there was not any harmful information in the documents”  it would require further time, effort and cost to satisfactorily censor the information. WMP’s response was peppered throughout with technical references to various clauses and sub clauses of FOI legislation (sections 8/1c, 12, 14, 14/1, 23, 31 etc), not forgetting “Section 38 (health and safety)”! What all this amounted to was as far as WMPI was concerned I was getting nothing.


I read hundreds of pages of FOI legislation and precedents to escalate to the next stage, an appeal to the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO). Of course the ICO comes at it cold so it is up the applicant to gather all relevant communications and present a coherent case to challenge the combined expertise of a public authority – a demanding and time consuming business, but in for a penny…


My 25.11.2017 appeal to ICO rested on two main grounds, firstly it was not credible that WMP did not have expert photographers at hand to efficiently produce excellent copies of the historic document and so it could not fairly cite “vexation” as grounds for withholding information. Secondly I argued that full disclosure was in the Public Interest. Of course I had to play the game of citing specific clauses and precedents and supplying supporting documents. Five months later I received the ICO’s 17.4.2018 Decision Notice, “The Commissioner’s decision is that the request was not vexatious and so section 14(1) was relied on incorrectly. WMP is now required to issue a fresh response to the request… WMP must take these steps within 35 calendar days… failure to comply may be dealt with as a contempt of court”. Now the ball was firmly in WMP’s court, would it hand over the contents of the 1892 document or appeal over the head of ICO to the mysterious “First-tier Tribunal”?


Thirty-four days later (21.05.2018) WMP responded, “We have considered the above judgement and although we do not agree with the conclusions drawn by the Information Commissioner, we have made the decision not to take this case to the Information Tribunal.” WMP explained that its substantive response would be further delayed whilst it applied a “Public Interest Test” on what precisely it would disclose. Unfortunately this further delay is permitted by the FOI Act.


On 16.6.2018 WMP emailed copies of all 57 handwritten pages of the large (300mm X 250mm) bound volume with the title “WALSALL ANARCHIST TRIAL 1892” embossed on the cover, a document containing almost 20,000 words of “evidence”. After ten months this was a huge advance but the contents had been censored by almost 300 redactions so on 25.6.2018 I requested another WMP internal review.


On 20.7.2018 that review conceded much of my case, restored almost 90% of the redactions (posting me paper photocopies) yet maintained that the name of the agent-provocateur should continue to be withheld along with the addresses of those involved in the prosecution. This despite the fact that Coulon’s name had been in the public realm for over a century and one of the redacted addresses, “238 Stafford Street”, the home of Joe Deakin, was marked by a “Walsall Anarchist Blue Plaque” erected in 1989 by the local authority.


On 11.8.2018 I contacted ICO to contest WMP’s reliance on sections 30/2 (informants' names) and 40/2 (witness addresses) in retaining 39 redactions. Five months later, on 17.1.2019 ICO ruled “that WMP was entitled to rely on section 30/2b to withhold information but that section 40/2 was not engaged”. Consequently WMP were directed to disclose all redacted addresses but permitted to withhold any mention of Coulon and they had just 28 calendar days to comply, appeal to the “Tribunal” or risk Contempt of Court. Twenty-five days later I received full disclosure of thirty addresses and I filled in the few redactions of Coulon’s name myself!




I’m sifting through this new evidence and will write more of the Walsall Anarchists in due course but I’m pleased with the FOI outcome. In a future post I’ll reveal the shocking fate of the Special Branch files and the officer who uncovered them and draw lessons on the workings of the FOI Act. In the meantime I’m just about to launch a new FOI seeking information about an intriguing anarchist artefact exhibited in 1889 in the Metropolitan Police’s “Black Museum”…





Tuesday, December 19, 2017

Auguste Coulon – Special Branch Anarchist!

by Christopher Draper

(Following on from Part 1 and Part 2, this is Part 3 of the 'Walsall Anarchists' story)

Employing agent provocateurs to infiltrate and disrupt the British anarchist movement is a long and dishonourable tradition pioneered since its inception in 1883 by the “Metropolitan Police Special Branch (MPSB)”.  Despite the State’s grim determination to conceal its grubby little secrets anarchists always maintained that the “Walsall Bombers” were set up by MPSB agent Auguste Coulon.

“No voice speaks so loud as Dynamite, and we are glad to see it is getting into use all over the place…Good old Dynamite”!  (Auguste Coulon, 1891)



The Personal is Political
Auguste’s role in the “Walsall Bomb Plot” was outlined by Quail but little of Coulon’s life-story was uncovered. Convinced “the personal is political” and curious to understand how aspects of anarchist lives intertwine I researched AC’s biography. Regrettably, 127 years after the event the authorities continue to refuse my “Freedom of Information” requests and cynically shredded key documents (as I’ll report once my appeal process has been expended). Despite these difficulties I’ve identified Coulon’s origins, early politics, later decline and miserable demise.

Talented Linguist
Commonly described as a Frenchman and most recently by Butterworth as “half-French, half-Irish”, Coulon was actually born in Mouscron, Belgium in 1844 to Martial Coulon, a dyer. His elder brother, Pierre Joseph Ernest was skilled in the decoration and gilding of leatherwork whilst Auguste was an accomplished linguist. Studying in Florence, Paris and Berlin, August developed a love of European literature and acquired fluency in French, German, Dutch, Italian, Spanish and English. Despite describing himself as “Professor of Modern Languages” there’s no evidence Auguste ever actually held a Professorial chair at any university. In reality, Coulon spent most of his time scratching a precarious living from lending his linguistic skills to anyone able to supply sponsorship. An early commission came from Hossfield’s publishing company who asked him to contribute a volume to their popular series, “Learning the German Language in the Easiest and Quickest Way.

Pioneering Irish Socialism
In 1883 Auguste was engaged on a short-term contract to teach at a Dublin girls’ school. He was probably already radical as back home in Belgium politics ran in the family. A relative edited Le Proletaire, which was suppressed by the authorities whilst his brother, Pierre Joseph Ernest, was sought by French police for “crimes prejudicial to the security of the State”. In December 1885, encouraged and supported by nine comrades, Auguste initiated organised Socialism in Ireland with a meeting of The Socialist League convened in Abbey Street. The group’s opposition to parliamentary politics was outlined by comrade Michael Gabriel, “What would be the use of sending labour candidates to Parliament? It would be no use whatever to send them to talk to capitalists and landlords whose interests were different from theirs. As working men they would never get anything by using a vote.”
Dublin SL planned to hold weekly public meetings at the Oddfellows Hall in Upper Abbey Street with the first on Thursday 7th January 1886, entitled, “The Problems of Socialism”. About 30 people turned up and newspapers reported, “In the subsequent discussion some speakers expressed the hope that Socialism would never take root in Ireland and denounced its resort to assassination, but one or two advocated the use of the dagger.” When word got out that such unorthodox opinions had been expressed the “Oddfellows” refused permission for any future use of their facilities.

Auguste to the Rescue
The next venue didn’t last long either and so at the beginning of February a rather cloak-and-dagger arrangement was adopted, “An advertisement appeared in yesterday’s paper which was to the effect that a Socialist meeting would be held (where, it was not mentioned). The advertisement then stated that that admission would be gained to the meeting by applying to the members (who the members were was not mentioned)…”
The report continued, “The meetings of this association had been held first in the Oddfellows Hall, Abbey Street and then over some public house but these resorts were “proclaimed” and thus the mysterious advertisement not announcing the place of rendezvous was inserted.”
Fortunately, Coulon accommodatingly offered the use of his own office space, and so, “These socialists met at the house 50 Dawson Street in a room on the second floor…” The lecturer, Robert Reubin Lipman, concluded his speech to the applause of the assembled audience, “…Let the capitalists and landlords, aided by the powder and steel of their armies, unite and deny them, the labourers, their rights as long as they could, but the time was coming when the labourers would also unite to rise and vindicate their rights and their property!”

Family Man
Coulon rented the Dawson Street premises to run a language school. Advertising himself as “Monsieur Auguste Coulon, European Polyglot Institute…French, German taught all over Ireland, correspondence: stamp for prospectus; Evening Classes for French, Italian, Spanish, German, 50 Dawson Street, Dublin”.
Auguste was assisted by his wife, Helena who hailed from Wurttemberg, Germany, where her father, George Ulmschneider, was Superintendent of the Mauser Armaments Factory. The pair had married in 1884 at St Anne’s Church, Dublin where comrade Lipman served as best man and witness. Although Dawson Street was Auguste’s professional address the family actually lived at 9 Leeson Street. A daughter, Helena jnr was born in 1885: a son, August the following year and on 28th July 1888 the Coulon’s had their third and final child, another daughter, named Zelie Juliette.

Internationalist
The Dublin branch endured rocky relations with the SL’s Central Council in London which wasn’t yet as distinctly anarchist as it later became. Matters came to a head in October 1886 when the branch backed Charles Reuss and rebuked the leadership for expelling him from the League for being a spy in the pay of German police. A settlement was eventually cobbled together but the branch disintegrated the following March when Reuss’s treachery was dramatically demonstrated.
Coulon’s activism continued undiminished, running an eclectic outfit called Dublin Socialist Club as well as attaching himself from time to time to whatever local group seemed most militant. In the same month that the SL branch collapsed Coulon hosted an, “International Celebration of the Commune of Paris at 50 Dawson Street, the following nationalities being represented: English, Welsh, Scotch, Irish, French, Danish, Russian and American…A most enjoyable evening was wound up by comrade Coulon singing the Marseillaise in French”. Life continued in similar vein until in May 1889 Coulon made an extended visit to Paris and the family departed for London.

Napoleon of Notting Hill
The Coulons settled at 41 Talbot Grove, Notting Hill where Auguste joined the North Kensington SL branch. No slouch, he was soon giving talks for his new comrades at the Clarendon Coffee Tavern where he was initially billed as, “Auguste Coulon (Paris)”. On 16th April 1890 his topic was, “The French Revolution” but as spring turned into summer, Coulon took his turn on the branch’s outdoor soapbox at Latimer Road and in June, at Kingston market. By then he’d realised that he could better advance his professional and political ambitions by moving into central London so the Coulon’s transferred to 37 London Street, Tottenham Court which was handily placed for the Autonomie Club in Windmill Street.

Convivial Company
Ingratiating himself with members of the Autonomie, Coulon falsely complained that he’d been expelled from Hammersmith Socialist Society for preaching anarchy. He’d certainly alienated west London comrades by his constant entreaties for violence and determined distribution of the terrorist manifesto, L’Indicateur Anarchiste, containing instructions on dynamite and bomb-making.
Auguste joined the activist North London branch of the SL that met every Wednesday evening at 8pm at the Autonomie Club. Within weeks the branch embarked on a propaganda visit to Yarmouth where Coulon concluded every speech with a burst on his accordion.
Throughout the late summer and autumn of 1890 Auguste was an incendiary presence on the Sunday soapbox at Hyde Park alongside libertarian luminaries Edith Lupton, Thomas Cantwell and Mrs Lahr. He was also in contact with his Metropolitan Police Special Branch (MPSB) handler, Chief Inspector William Melville.

Sympathy for the Devil
On 18th July 1890 Coulon received his first official £2 payment from Special Branch but he may well have already been in the pay of other security services. Coulon’s prolonged 1889-90 trip to France looks suspicious. It’s clear that he didn’t really abandon his Dublin business merely to attend the 1889 Paris Exposition as his wife Helena claimed. In June 1889 he described himself to the Paris correspondent of the London Standard, as “the delegate who is to represent the Irish at the Socialist International Congress” but he appears self-appointed and certainly never returned to Dublin to report to his erstwhile Irish comrades. He intimated to Commonweal that he’d really gone to France to attend the Socialist Conference and then stayed on to report on French affairs (from 49 Rue de Billancourt). In typically grandiose fashion he’d had business cards printed describing himself as, “Correspondant du Commonweal de Londres”. In despatches Coulon derided French parliamentary politics, praised violence and advised English readers that, “The bourgeois shot 35,000 of our friends in the last commune. If so many are killed this time, they won’t be all on one side we can promise you.”
He claimed French parliamentarians were paid by the authorities to divert workers’ discontent into harmless channels, “It is a known fact, I say, that this party get secret money to play the game of the government.” Coulon’s linguistic expertise and extensive political contacts made him an attractive prospect for several nations’ security services and someone obviously met the considerable cost of his eight month sojourn in the French capital.

Enfant Terrible
MPSB files confirm that Coulon had come to the attention of the Irish Special Branch as early 1885 and it’s quite possible he operated as their agent years before his first formally recorded London payment. Perhaps he engineered disruption to nascent Irish socialism. Consider for a moment the difficulties the SL encountered securing a venue and the spying potential of Coulon’s provision of accommodation. Consider also the branch’s obdurate defence of the traitor Reuss despite HQ’s well-founded decision to expel him (trusting Reuss cost one anarchist his life). Coulon also wrote to SL HQ criticising and undermining branch organiser Michael Gabriel.
With two major International Socialist Conferences convened in Paris during Coulon’s 1889 stay the city was flooded with cops on the look out for collaborators. If Auguste wasn’t signed up there and then it was likely only because he was already “an old friend”. The anarchist historian Max Nettlau who met Coulon in Dublin in 1888 later described him as, “shady and shabby – most likely always a rascal”!

Coulon’s Cunning Plan
Individual MPSB officers accepted private commissions from overseas security agencies so uncovering conspiracies, either real and imagined, was a lucrative activity. Over the summer of 1890 Coulon plotted with his MPSB “handler” to entrap a group comprising both overseas and English anarchists. Auguste suggested to Louise Michel that she might kill two birds with one stone by starting an international anarchist school in London; providing an income for herself and an invaluable educational facility for comrades.
Michel was a trained teacher but her English was poor so she welcomed Auguste’s offer to act as both School Secretary and teach language lessons. Melville immediately rewarded him with a bonus payment and from December 1890 put Coulon on a weekly wage of £1 as Freedom announced, “It is proposed to start an international Socialist School in London, with Louise Michel for directress. The French Group in the Autonomie Club are taking the initiative in the affair…”

Wonderful Enterprise
The school was a prestigious project with a prospectus designed by Walter Crane. Kropotkin, Malatesta and William Morris all served on the steering committee and educational pioneer Margaret McMillan was amongst the teaching staff. In the New Year Commonweal confirmed that, “We have received a notice from Comrade Coulon that the International Socialist School…has opened at the Autonomie Club, 6 Windmill Street, Tottenham Court Road, and he makes an appeal to all Socialists in the neighbourhood to send their children.”
A few weeks later Commonweal revealed, “The Committee have now secured large and commodious premises in the neighbourhood of Tottenham Court Road. Funds however are urgently needed and subscriptions should be sent to A Coulon, Secretary…” The new premises were 19 Fitzroy Street and Auguste offered patrons, “A portrait group of teachers and scholars”. Margaret McMillan provides a colourful snapshot of one of Coulon’s lessons, “Louise had just finished teaching the piano and Coulon, her assistant was teaching French, (behind Coulon) stood the blackboard with its terrible pictures; the Chicago Anarchists hanging by the neck”!

Incendiary Anarchist
As School Secretary, Coulon had artfully placed himself at the hub of a network not only able to harvest contact details of exiled anarchists but as the advert makes clear, also enabled to “legitimately” photograph children, parents and staff. Throughout 1891 Coulon carried his fiery torch of anarchy far beyond the school walls, advising Fred Charles that robbery is the anarchist answer to poverty. Commonweal readers were directed to launch an immediate General Strike and visiting Norwich, Auguste insisted workers, “PAY NO RENT!” Coulon also started teaching chemistry lessons at the Berners Street Club dedicated to explosives and bomb-making and ever a friend in need, he asked his Walsall comrades to find employment for Victor Cails.

Springing the Trap
Coulon was overcome by his own importance and by October 1891 his school colleagues had grown to resent his high-handed behaviour and suspect his incendiary lessons and before the end of the year he was asked to leave. By then his Walsall bomb-making plot was well advanced but it was imperative it bore fruit before he was exposed. On December 5th he despatched Battolla to Walsall to speed things up but when Giovanni complained of the inadequacy of their crude efforts it was clear to Coulon that it was risky to await a satisfactory completion so in the New Year the trap was prematurely sprung. On 6th January 1892 Joe Deakin was lured down to London and arrested by waiting officers with the other “conspirators” picked up over succeeding days.

State Conspiracy
When the trial opened and Coulon didn’t appear his erstwhile comrades realised he’d set them up. Lying to Parliament, the Home Secretary insisted that the State never, ever employed agent provocateurs! When the defence solicitor questioned Inspector Melville, “witness declined to say whether he had paid a man named Coulon for information in this case. – The Judge ruled that in the interest of the public service he need not do so.”
Three years later a disgruntled secret policeman let the cat out of the bag and detailed to reporters the mechanism of State complicity, “All information that Coulon supplied was taken possession of by Mr Melville, who submitted it to Mr Anderson, the Assistant Commissioner of Police, Anderson would direct what action was to be taken in the matter…In serious cases every iota of information has to be reported to the Assistant Commissioner….during the course of the formation of the plot we have been discussing the Assistant Commissioner was in possession of all its various phases. And he in his turn was responsible to one man only, the Home Secretary.”

Nice Little Earner
Two anarchist “conspirators” were found not guilty but the rest were given long jail sentences, one sent down for five years and the remaining three given ten-year sentences. Coulon got a £4 bonus from Melville for the arrests and a 250% weekly pay increase during the four month prosecution period.
Coulon attempted to shift blame for the betrayal onto other comrades. When he was called to account at the Autonomie Club on January 10th he insisted his money didn’t originate from Melville but, “like all anarchists I live by plunder!” It didn’t wash and he was expelled.
Meanwhile, Commonweal’s editor, David Nicoll, campaigned for the release of his imprisoned comrades and collected evidence of Coulon’s guilt. Just as Nicoll was about to publish the police swooped, smashed up Commonweal’s printing equipment and imprisoned him for a year and a half. Utterly shameless and adding insult to injury, Coulon went on the offensive and distributed a series of handbills denouncing Nicoll as a police agent!

“Innocent Victims”
The cover of David Nicoll’s twenty-page account of the conspiracy proclaims, “Innocent Men in Penal Servitude” but the Walsall Four were not innocent; they did conspire to make bombs. Neither were they prosecuted to the full extent of the law as the maximum sentence allowable was fourteen years. George Cores, at a subsequent Walsall protest meeting, publicly declared the men, “innocent victims of a plot deliberately got up that they might be entrapped”. They were not innocent but they were entrapped, this severely mitigated their culpability and should have greatly reduced their sentences. With cruel, unacknowledged irony, Mr Justice Hawkins recognised this in granting Deakin a reduced sentence on the explicit basis, “that he thought Deakin had been the dupe and the victim”. In truth, all four men were entrapped by Coulon and duped into manufacturing “bombs for Russia” yet the judge readily acceded to MPSB’s demands to suppress Auguste’s key role in the conspiracy.
Cails and Battolla had undoubtedly indulged in loose talk at the Autonomie which Coulon had creatively exploited to link them with Charles and Deakin who had the means to provide practical effect to bomb-making. Once the conspiracy was sufficiently advanced searches and arrests were made by police without warrants, scare stories of the imminent threat of anarchist outrages were “leaked” to the press, the prisoners were then denied visitors and writing materials, provided with minimal food and confined in substandard conditions.
Deakin was induced to confess to conspiracy by a clever combination of whisky, cigars, threats and straightforward lies. During the trial the cynically selected judge, “Hanging Hawkins” systematically turned a deaf ear to all mention of police transgressions. All manner of prejudicial material was introduced into Court to associate, in the jury’s minds, the accused with the wildest of terrorist declarations. The police were even permitted to present their own bombs to the jury as apparent proof of the anarchists’ intentions. Despite the absence of any actual explosives, the law, recently enacted to convict Fenians, meant the remotest association with explosives, such as the coil of miner’s fuse found at the Socialist Club had to be justified by the accused in order to prove innocence – an outrageous reversal of the established principle of presumed innocence. Legally the men were guilty but the whole process was biased; as convinced anarchists the Walsall Four could have expected nothing different.

Snivelling Coward
Coulon’s next enterprise was the revived publication in London in May 1893 of a fiery French language journal, L’ International, designed to attract militant subscribers whose names and contact addresses would be handed on to the authorities. Unfortunately one of his targets, the militant anarchist hairdresser Louis Matha, realised who was behind the venture and warned continental comrades through the pages of La Revolte. Once again Coulon attempted to bluff it out and challenged him to a duel but failed to turn up when Matha accepted. Meanwhile, Coulon’s war of attrition with David Nicoll (lately released from jail), continued, as Nicoll shrewdly observed of L’International, “Incendiary sheets of this kind represent not Anarchy but Scotland Yard.”

Good Year for the Grass
In 1894 Coulon sent out flyers soliciting subscribers to a relaunch of the International School which had recently closed. Renamed, Ecole Anarchiste Industrielle, pupils were offered free tuition and print-training which would enable the enterprise to undertake commercial work to finance the school. Simultaneously, Coulon issued handbills advertising an unconnected, “Institute of Teachers” providing correspondence courses in “English, Classics, Modern and Oriental Languages”. Addressed from his home at 85, Sistova Road, Balham Coulon claimed to be working in association with a couple of intriguing characters, Hugh H Johnson the Principal of Liverpool’s pioneering “Moslem Institute” and “Major Foster, Royal Artillery, Professor of Fortifications”. Neither venture got off the ground, so carry on spying!

Worth a Bonus!
The spring of 1894 brought Auguste another couple of bonus payments although it’s not clear what he did to deserve them. It’s said Coulon had a hand in the April 12 arrest of the fugitive Meunier and probably also the capture two days later of Polti and Farnara and he openly boasted of trailing Martial Bourdin before he blew himself up. Coulon also found time to fire off a letter informing the Italian authorities that two anarchists they sought, Malato and Malatesta could be found in the city of Massa Carrara.
Coulon told the Pall Mall Gazette, “The Anarchists feel the London police hold them in the hollow of their hands. Doubtless those that have their misgivings about being watched are correct in their apprehensions. There are few whose dossiers are not filed at Scotland Yard.” Auguste romanticised but probably didn’t exaggerate when, in February 1894 he informed the Morning Leader, “I am in the service of the International Secret Police, which is subsidised by the Russian, German and French governments”.
Amazingly, Coulon wasn’t yet entirely abandoned by comrades and in 1895 two anarchists on the run from continental police stayed with him for a while in Balham. Charles Lutz, a Swiss anarchist also known as “Latour” and the Italian “illegalist” Amilcar Pomati and remarkably, both emerged unscathed.

Spent Force
In 1897 Coulon was still on a £1 a week retainer from Melville, obliged to stoke dissent and supply occasional tit-bits so on July 10 he tried to wind up Max Nettlau who had temporarily fallen out with David Nicoll. “I knew that first week you were in Dublin that you belonged to the Austrian police…I never told anyone but the late William Morris…Now your “Dear” Nicoll is doing a good thing exposing you…” Nettlau was unruffled and nobody took any notice.
Coulon’s blood money only stopped when Melville retired from the MPSB at the end of 1903. By then Auguste had received over £800 plus expenses from MPSB and had long abandoned all pretence of employment as “Professor of Languages”. He was living at 97 Cathles Road, Streatham and touting for business as a self-employed “Painter & Decorator” but couldn’t even get that business off the ground and settled for putting up wallpaper for another tradesman.
Impoverished and long since deserted by his wife, who’d gone to live with their daughter Zelie and her husband in Halifax, in 1923 Auguste Coulon, aged 78, died in Wandsworth Workhouse of “Cardio Vascular Degeneration” and was buried in Wandsworth Cemetery.

      Christopher Draper (December 2017)

Thursday, November 30, 2017

Lives of the Walsall Bombers

by Christopher Draper

[Part 2 of the Walsall bomb story]


Quail’s account of the “Walsall Anarchists” describes the 1892 conviction of Joe Deakin, Fred Charles, Jean Battola (sic) and Victor Cailes (sic) for bomb making but doesn’t reveal much of their lives. Nick Heath usefully outlined the careers of both Deakin and Charles with just a couple of minor errors and omissions but the other pair, Battolla and Cails, have been neglected and what of the one that got away?

Joe’s Conversion
Joseph Thomas Deakin founded Walsall Socialist Club as an affiliate organisation of the SDF, which initially reflected his own politics. Heath suggests two elements shifted Deakin over to anarchism, the departure of influential party loyalist Hadyn Sanders and the persuasiveness of Joe’s overseas contacts. Nick’s right on the first negative factor but the positive influence came from closer to home, in the form of local French exile, Edmond Joseph Guillemard. As the Birmingham Post recorded, “After Mr H Sanders left the town, Guillemard, a foreigner, assumed the local leadership and he seems to have converted the majority of this Walsall club to his views, including Deakin.” Subsequently Walsall was, “regarded by local Socialists as an Anarchist hotbed” with clubrooms “ornamented with Walter Crane’s large allegorical compositions; a photo of the heads of a number of men described as “the heroes of the Revolution of 1871 – vanquished today , victorious tomorrow; another in praise of Anarchie and placards announcing a French class one night a week.” By 1891 Deakin considered himself an anarchist although evidently an unreliable one who cracked under interrogation and coughed to the cops.

Fred Who?
Although it’s known Fred Charles’s original surname was “Slaughter” it’s been assumed he simply substituted his middle name. In fact, “Charles” formed no part of Fred’s birth name, which was “Frederick Christopher Slaughter. Born in Norwich in 1864, his dad was Christopher Slaughter, aged 69, and his mum, Lucy Emily (nee Bowman) 40 years younger. At the time of their 1861 marriage, Christopher was a widowed Norwich shopkeeper with Lucy, his niece, serving as live-in housekeeper.

Fred’s dad died when he was just three and his sister, Lucy Bowman Slaughter, only one but the family could still afford a servant and in his early twenties Fred had enough money to open a comradely café in Norwich. At that stage he called himself Frederick Charles Slaughter. Fred evidently proved more adept at dispensing politics than pots of tea and at the end of 1888 the business went belly-up. Perhaps this prompted him to make a clean break, drop his original surname and move away from Norwich. The April 1891 census found “27 year-old clerk, Fred Charles” in Hackney, sharing lodgings with the German-born libertarian, Gertrud Guillaume-Schack. In May he shifted to Sheffield in search of employment and despite the militant appeal of comrade Creaghe he was compelled by economic necessity to move on. It’s assumed Fred moved directly to Walsall but he first tried Birmingham. Still unemployed, he found the tame politics of Brum’s Stafford Street Socialist Club so stifling that in July he transferred to “Walsall’s hotbed of anarchy” and the rest, as they say, is (already adequately recorded) history.


Invisible Italian
Following imprisonment Deakin returned to Walsall and Charles settled at Whiteway anarchist colony but what of the other two? Quail claimed, “Cailes (sic) remained in the Soho area and Battola (sic) seems to have disappeared” but my research suggests otherwise.
After Battolla’s release in September 1899 he was given £10 from benefit funds but had to rapidly find employment. Whilst Charles prioritised rebuilding his health by feverishly cycling around the countryside, Battolla was beavering away in a Soho garret at his former, injuriously dusty trade of shoemaking. In November 1899 Reynolds News reported, “His health is very bad, the doctor recommends him plenty of fresh air but unfortunately he cannot take this prescription for he has no means of living save by his labour.”
Jean (actually Giovanni) Battolla was born in Portovenere, La Spezia, Italy on 18th December 1862 to Camille Battolla and Louise. His mum’s maiden name was “Dejani” and he sometimes adopted this as a sort of nom de guerre. He was already an anarchist evading the authorities when he married Josephine Eugenie Barthelemy in Marseilles on 8th December 1883. Persecuted for revolutionary words rather than violent action, Battolla nonetheless featured (above) on the French Secret Police’s blacklist and on 7th February 1891 was banned from the country. Taking refuge in London he frequented the Autonomie Club where he made the unfortunate acquaintance of Auguste Coulon. Battolla’s police mugshot reveals his stylish demeanour, “tall, dark and of good personal appearance”. Meeting proletarian Walsall comrades “he was splendidly attired in a silk top hat and Inverness cape” but he also had a heart. Writing to Edward Carpenter from Dartmoor in December 1897; “I must tell you a few words about our winged friends here: - pigeons come to take bread from our hands. Jackdaws, crows, starlings and blackbirds come within two or three feet to take the same food. They dance, sing and look on us very kindly, they befriend us in every way. Were it not for those gentle creatures there would be a good many more poor barmy men.”
After his release, in April 1900 Reynolds News confided, “Battolla and Cails are not faring too well at present. Battolla has succeeded in obtaining some work but his health is so bad that he is hardly in a condition to perform his task properly and really needs a few weeks rest in the country to set him right again.” Deakin and Charles soon returned to their former lives, but as exiles, Cails and Battolla both struggled yet conscientiously attended anarchist meetings to explain their prison experiences. Gradually Battolla’s energies were confined more towards solving his own economic problems than those of society and he sunk his benefit money in a lodging house partnership with a woman named Bennett. His estranged wife remained in France until September 1902 when there was a most curious and dramatic development.
Josephine Eugenie Battolla turned up at Giovanni’s Gower Street lodging house and was invited to stay for a while but after a few days he asked her to leave. When she refused she was assaulted by Mrs Bennett but instead of returning to France she moved to Goodge Street and initiated legal proceedings. First she managed to get Bennett bound over and then with a further legal action she successfully sued Giovanni for maintenance. These minor court actions were widely publicised across Britain with hundreds of newspapers carrying almost identical reports. It was almost as if someone had consciously orchestrated a smear campaign. A century later we discover that on 17th December 1902 following her action against Bennett the Metropolitan Police’s Special Branch paid Josephine Battolla £5. On 11th February 1903, after her subsequent maintenance action MPSB gave her a further £2 - what an extraordinary coincidence!
After fathering a son, Dante, with Kate Martini, a young English woman, in 1905 Battolla and his new family emigrated back to his Italian birthplace. A daughter arrived the following year but on 19th April 1910 the family of four sailed aboard the SS Oceania from Genoa, landing in New York on the 3rd May. Once again Battolla’s personal relationships ruptured and the family split. Dante remained in New York with Giovanni (now John but still shoemaking) until he left school but by 1920 he’d moved to join his sister and mum in Patterson, New Jersey where Kate worked as a silk weaver. After that I can find no trace of any of them.

“A Typical Anarchist”
Victor Cails was a more active, determined and sustained anarchist than Battolla and more obviously looked the part. On his arraignment in the magistrates’ court he was unfavourably compared to Charles, “the difference between the two men was very marked – Charles being neatly dressed and of easy manners and good bearing, a not unfavourable specimen of the class; but Cailes (sic) with stubbly beard, swarthy face, restless gleaming eyes, untidy dress and excitable demeanour, might have sat for an artist as a typical anarchist”.
Born on 16th February 1858 in Nantes, Brittany, as a teenager Victor joined the navy and subsequently served as a marine engineer or stoker with bouts of general labouring in between voyages. In Nantes around 1880 he became a militant anarchist. During the late 1880’s his voyaging led to “Devil’s Island” where he befriended and covertly carried letters for the imprisoned anarchist Clement Duval.
After leading the 1891 Nantes May Day demonstration, Victor was indicted for, “distribution of writings, exciting crimes of murder, looting and burning” but escaped and tried in absentia was sentenced to 18 months imprisonment. After a brief period serving as stoker on a Glasgow riverboat he moved down to London, making his way to the Autonomie Club, where he teamed up for six weeks with Luigi Parmeggiani in an ill-conceived cheesemaking and street selling enterprise. Unfortunately Cails was also befriended by Coulon who “helpfully” wrote requesting Walsall comrades to find him a job. They got him foundry work but Cails was hopeless so a Socialist Club member called Young put him up in his own house in Green Lane and tried to teach him his own trade of chainmaking. Once again Victor proved inept so another comrade, John Westley, employed him in his brush-making business.
In a letter published in the Sheffield Anarchist, in September 1891, Cails claimed, “Two thirds of the population live in a state of misery and poverty, while society does not trouble itself…unfortunates who having received nothing from society owe nothing to that society and owe nothing to its laws.”
Although Victor was earning less than 9s 6d a week he wrote to his partner, Marie Piberne in Nantes, urging her to come over and join him. In Walsall Marie managed to supplement their meagre income with a spot of dressmaking but the pair remained impoverished and so to help them out the members suggested they move into an unoccupied room at the Socialist Club and act as caretakers. They’d only been there three days when they were arrested. Subsequently released, Marie told reporters she wasn’t married to Victor but for three years the pair had lived happily together in Nantes before the police came after him. Sadly their relationship didn’t survive Cail’s imprisonment and Marie returned to France.
After eight years inside Cails was, significantly, the last of the four to be released, in December 1899, “on account of not having made all his good conduct marks”. Like the others he was also in a bad way and as a mariner he had the additional problem of obtaining his old testimonials before he could be taken on as a crewman. The police had confiscated his certificates on his arrest and refused to hand them back. Victor twice visited Scotland Yard where Inspector Melville insisted the Chief Constable of Walsall had them but he denied this and Cails continued to be given the run-around until finally the Walsall Town Clerk “managed to track down” two translations of his original certificates. Despite Melville’s denials it seemed the MPSB retained the original certificates.
 In September 1900 Reynold’s News recorded Cails’ continuing police harassment, “Now they are continually calling at my lodging to ask me if I have shifted from where I live and how am I managing to exist etc. They have also resumed the policy of “shadowing” me about, which had been discontinued since my last complaint in Reynolds. I believe they have no legal right to molest me in this manner while I comply with the terms of my licence. I think it the meanest impertinence to ask me to supply their absence of brains.”
Eventually Victor found work on building sites at Milwall Dock and the V & A Museum. He maintained a close friendship with Louise Michel and was visited by Creaghe who failed to persuade him to join him in Argentina. Cails’ correspondence with Louise reveals a sensitive side of his character with a real concern that she will look after his dog as, in July 1903 he was about to embark on a 15 month contract crewing aboard a large sailing ship, probably Noemi, about to depart Tyne Dock, South Shields for San Francisco. Briefly back in London in 1905 he gave witness at anarchist Parmeggiani’s libel action, before returning to sea as crewman on the French ship Dugual-Trouin which sailed for New Caledonia.
Eventually settling back in France, Victor was an anarchist to the end and almost his final act was production of the Italian bulletin, Polemiche Nostre in August 1925. In March 1926 the anarchist press reported the recent death in Paris of Victor Cails, “He had courageously put himself to work and had exhausted himself in it.”

The Fifth Man?
Walsall anarchist, Edmond Joseph Guillemard has been oddly overlooked. As I mentioned above, he was the man who turned the Walsall Socialist Club anarchist. When Deakin was arrested his old state-socialist buddy Hadyn Sanders told the Pall Mall Gazette, “He was loath to believe Deakin was in touch with the Anarchist party…he believed Deakin to be a Socialist who believed it possible to improve the condition of workers by Parliamentary methods.” Having persuaded Deakin to anarchy, in August 1891 Guillemard accompanied him to the Brussels Anarchist Congress. A couple of months later when the sketch of the bomb arrived in the post, as Reynolds’ News reported, “all of them talked the matter over and then a man named Guillemard made a pattern” yet curiously, there is no record that Edmond was even interviewed by police. Despite being well established in Walsall for more than a decade, with both himself and his wife having steady employment, enjoying comradeship at the Club and having two brothers and their families in the Birmingham area Guillemard suddenly shifted to Lincoln. The 1901 census records that he’d also altered his name to Edmond Joseph Acton (his wife’s maiden name) and changed his registered birthplace from France to Cardiff! I leave readers to speculate on the significance of all this but on future blogs I’ll explain how the Secret State had (and continues to have) its grubby fingers all over this “conspiracy”.     

                       (CD, December 2017)

CD is happy to supply further details about sources for this research. 
Enquiries via blog Comments or RaHN email: radicalhistorynetwork@gmail.com 


Part 3 to follow...

Friday, November 10, 2017

Is this the Walsall Bomb?

"One aspect of this case that is especially interesting is the State's determination to resist disclosure at every level..."

(Guest blog from Christopher Draper – 1.)

John Quail’s account of “The Walsall Anarchists” in his classic “The Slow Burning Fuse” remains unchallenged after almost forty years but it left some unanswered questions.
  1. What became of the physical evidence presented at the 1892 trial?
  2. What was the ultimate fate of the imprisoned anarchists after their release?
  3. Who exactly was Auguste Coulon, the “Secret Agent” mysteriously absent from the trial proceedings?
 The Evidence
Over the intervening years I’ve researched these questions and turned up some interesting leads that I’ll describe in this and two subsequent posts. Here I’ll deal with that first question and submit this picture of “the bomb” for your consideration. Contemporary press reports make extensive, if somewhat inconsistent, reference to numerous artefacts employed by the Walsall anarchists in their alleged enterprise, including - “a sketch of a bomb with instructions (in French) how to make the bomb”, “wooden pear-shaped patterns”, “plaster core-stocks”, “a quantity of clay mixed with hair, evidently for moulding purposes”, “a coil of miner’s fuse”, “a hollow brass casting”, “a leaden bolt” and a “bomb, a conical iron shell four or five inches long”. I’ll deal with issues of guilt or innocence in the second article, here I simply ask if this is really, as claimed by its inscription, the Walsall Anarchist Bomb”?
  
                                                         
 Where’s that Bomb?
The leading role of the Metropolitan Police Special Branch in securing the conviction of the Walsall anarchists is well recognised and prompted post-Quail researchers to focus their attention on MPSB archives but as I’ll discuss in my piece on Coulon this yielded vital but limited results. As my parents lived for years in Walsall I was curious whether their local police might have retained some evidence from the case.
Following reorganisation, Walsall is now part of the “West Midlands Police Force” which has a small police museum accommodated in Smethwick Police Station. Aware of my interest in the case a local contact sent me the above illustration which prompted me to wonder if “the bomb” might be gathering dust in the WMP museum. Although the museum was developed and maintained as more of a part-time hobby pursuit by an enthusiastic (and now deceased) copper than as an academic or legal resource nonetheless it comes under the auspices of WMP and therefore is open to Freedom of Information Requests (FOIR). 
                                                           

 The Crucible
Investigating Black Country history I also came across an illustration (above) that was said to be the very crucible that cast the Walsall Bomb. There was no suggestion that it had ever been taken into police custody as it had been effectively and deliberately concealed. Like the police museum, Walsall’s civic museum is moribund but nonetheless the local authority are subject to FOIR, so I sent them an email.
Walsall Museum Service duly confirmed that they do indeed hold this object which is catalogued as, “Height 29.7cm; Diameter 18cm - A casting crucible that was found under the floorboards at a foundry. It is alleged to have been used in casting the bomb casings of the Walsall Anarchists Bomb Plot of 1892.”  I was further informed that the find-site was Algernon Street (now the Crown Wharf Development) which suggests it was concealed beneath the Faraday Works which is ironic as the conspirators initially claimed they were merely contriving “electrical lubricators”.
The recorded dimensions of the crucible are too imprecise to make an informed judgement but they are not out of line with the size of the “bomb” described in court proceedings.

 Un-FOIR Response from WMP
On 4th September 2017 I submitted the following FOIR to West Midlands Police, “I request copies of all information and artefacts held by WMP relating to what became known as the “1892 Walsall Anarchist Bomb Case”
Initially WMP suggested I cancel my FOIR and instead make informal inquiries of their “Heritage Project”. When I declined to go down that route WMP refused to supply any substantive information, claiming FOI exemption “by virtue of S14(1) (Vexatious Requests)”.
On the 18th October 2017 I invoked the WMP internal appeals procedure. If they do not come up with the goods within a week I will appeal to the Information Commissioner (IC). Yet even now I haven’t entirely drawn a blank, in the course of exchanging emails WMP disclosed that, “The information that we hold in respect of your request is a very old, large, fragile and very rare document”, and tantalisingly it might well offer unique insight into the case.
The law more or less requires compliance with FOIR unless it would cost authorities more than £450 (18hrs labour) to do so. It seems unlikely that photographing this document and sending me jpegs would prove excessively burdensome and I think they are trying it on and will eventually be overruled by the IC. If they intended to facilitate (as obliged by legislation) rather than frustrate my FOIR it is curious that they also admit, “that we do hold a summary of the document and could supply this electronically” yet steadfastly refuse to do so. I’ll let you know how this pans out and meanwhile I ask comrades not to intervene with WMP until I’ve exhausted the official appeals procedure.

 Where are we Now?
We now know WMP holds substantive previously unexamined archival evidence on the Walsall anarchists. It is likely they also have the, “Walsall Anarchist Bomb” illustrated, although they were careful neither to confirm nor deny this in our email exchanges. Walsall Museum Service retains the “bombers’ crucible” and the exact significance of this object might itself become clearer once I obtain copies of the information detailed in WMP’s “large, fragile and rare document”.
So is this really the bomb? Well I seriously doubt it. As West Midland police officers examined this evidential exhibit over the last century or so they probably congratulated one another on their courage and moral worthiness in capturing fiends that could produce such a devilish device. And conspiratorial fiends they were too but not anarchist fiends for only one viable bomb casing was ever presented in evidence and its makers were identified in a particularly detailed account of the final day of the trial published in the Birmingham Daily Post of Tuesday April 5th 1892 (incidentally, Frederick Brown was an associate of the Institute of Civil Engineers and Colonel Arthur Ford R.A. Home Office Inspector of Explosives); “From the evidence of Brown and Colonel Ford there was evidence that the iron casting which they had seen, and which had been made by the police from the original patterns of the prisoners would cause such an explosion” (my emphasis)!
So the police themselves almost certainly manufactured, Walsall Anarchist Bomb – 1892”. What other evidence they manufactured in 1892 might soon be revealed by the Walsall Papers WMP seem so determined to keep secret. I’ll keep you posted.

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