Showing posts with label Book review. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Book review. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 4, 2018

Remembering the 1970s: Equal Pay strike in West London

Book Review


From the publishers:
    This is the remarkable story, still relevant today, of four hundred women and their supporters who, in 1976, went on strike for 21 weeks to win equal pay with their male counterparts. It took place at the Brentford plant of Trico-Folberth, an American multinational producer of windscreen wipers. The strike was trail-blazing in many ways, and was essential to making women’s rights a central focus for the labour movement in the UK, a major turning point of the 1970s. Trico: A Victory to Remember is indispensable to understanding that shift. Illustrated with stunning archive photos mostly unseen for over forty years, the book charts the women’s campaign to their final victory, including anecdotes from some of those involved.
**************
Sally Groves and Vernon Merritt, Trico: A Victory to Remember. The 1976 Equal Pay Strike at Trico Folberth, Brentford. Lawrence & Wishart with Unite the Union, 2018. 

This account of the "longest successful strike for equal pay in British Trade Union history" is presented in an attractive and readable form. Sections of reportage and commentary are interspersed with pages of direct quotations, clearly differentiated and attributed, from several of those involved. Many excellent illustrations bring out both the collective experience and the individuality of the women in their struggle. Discreet footnotes (or side-notes) fill out extra bits of background and history.

A Foreword written by the first author in 1977 summarises what these "400 or so very remarkable women" did and why, and what happened as a resut. Strike action was taken in May 1976 when women being paid less than men doing identical work walked out - after "months of frustrating and non-productive negotiations" aimed at persuading a recalcitrant management to fulfil its obligations under the Equal pay Act (which had itself given employers five years to prepare). Three weeks into the action, the strike was made official by the then AUEW; the factory produced items for the motor industry, mostly windscreen wipers and related accessories. A minority of the male workers, about 150, joined the strike, which was to last for 21 weeks, prolonged by "unbelievably incompetent company policy" which caused considerably hardship but at the same time strengthened solidarity and support. Management tactics included hiring transport gangs to smash through picket lines in convoy. Settlement was reached in mid-October, when a mass meeting was told that equal pay had been agreed. The triumphant return to work followed three days later.

First march round Brentford - only women in sight
Second march with the union to the fore.
The strike committee (right-hand page) has 50% women (4:4)

United in victory march, 18th October
Details of incidents, personalities and day-to-day organisation are given in the three parts: "Getting organised", "The battle rages", and "The reckoning", each containing numerous subheadings. Part 1 describes the background of a workforce drawn mostly from nearby council estates, so that, importantly, many of the women were known to each other or related. Labour was segregated by gender, men on the night shift and in "craft" jobs; adjustments led to the few men on the washer assembly line being paid £6.50 per week more than the women. Spontaneous stoppages had occurred in February when shop stewards "restored order". Things were made worse by a "series of phony excuses" including conformity with the (Labout) government's pay policy (wage restraint) and by "hamfisted handling" of grievances, as British managers adopted the methods and "blackmailing tactics" of their American employers.

Part 2 launches into the developing struggle, featuring “Strike breakers incorporated”, “They shall not pass”, and “Battle at the Trico gates” while throughout, the activists' own take on events adds another dimension under a great variety of headings such as Picketing and solidarity, Surveillance, Growth of political awareness, Strike breaking, Sexist attitudes and many more. Despite problems, obstacles and risks it was evidently far from an unremittingly grim experience on  Costa del Trico in that famously hot summer, as many pictures show. Methods included strike bulletins with cartoons (to counter the inevitable press hostility and bias), meetings in nearby Boston Manor Park, with entertainment, and a protest delegation to Brentford police station about police complicity with strike-breakers. They had lots of fine days for it for a time at least. Part 3 continues with “More determined than ever”, “Tribunal trickery” plus the wider picture of outside support being sought and organised and the union involvement, and finally “Victory!”

Acclaim for the settlement, 15-10-1976 (pp.158-9)
This is followed by an analysis-with-hindsight and assessment of contemporary relevance in "Forty years on - what lessons for today?" including a comparison with Grunwick, and an overview of campaigning for equal pay, "Fighting for our rights". Lastly there is an obituary for Eileen Ward, one of the foremost activists. 

The winning formula was, in the authorial view, the “power of direct action backed up by the organised muscle of a strong trade union connection”. Valid perhaps in this sort of context (implementation of reform enacted by legislation), but the point is not lost that it was the women’s own decisiveness and determination that both instigated and sustained the struggle. While it may be difficult in the conditions of 2018 wholly to endorse or revert to the optimism and triumph that are the prevailing mode of the book, it reminds us that such a struggle can be both upbeat along the way and effective in the long run. 

"Local Auhor" - window display, The Pitshanger Bookshop, W5
The Trico factory closed in 1994, with most of the workforce becoming redundant, and different buildings occupying the site, so that in a way these events may appear all to belong in the past. Nevertheless the subject's significance remains as a bit of labour history that should not be forgotten as well as concerning a vital issue still far from resolved. This very worthwhile publication does an excellent job of helping to preserve it in collective memory. 




Thursday, April 19, 2018

“The Red Flag of Anarchy” by Andrew Lee: Review


(A Book Review by Christopher Draper)


Do you remember those wooden rulers on sale at Woolworths with the names and dates of all the British Kings and Queens on the back? That was the kind of history I learnt at school. Regrettably, a lot of alternative history isn’t much better with a similar emphasis on London-based leaders. I’ve always preferred to read about radical lives and politics away from the metropolitan bubble and Andrew Lee’s new history of Sheffield’s pioneering socialists and anarchists is a perfect paradigm of “people’s history”.


Andrew Lee’s book embodies the ideals it chronicles with a beautiful cover designed by libertarian socialist Walter Crane. The text is printed on decent quality paper and it’s lavishly illustrated with numerous portraits and political posters. Computer screens might usefully churn out dry facts but Andrew Lee appreciates that wisdom is more surely gained through a slow, aesthetically pleasing book-read and there is a lot to mull over in “The Red Flag of Anarchy”.

Focussed on the Sheffield scene from 1874 to 1900 the author depicts a rich political culture created by predominantly working class activists of every flavour. He doesn’t push any political line but the book is suffused throughout its 178 pages with an inspiringly libertarian spirit. Lee’s achievement is to conjure up a vivid picture of a welcoming, inclusive yet militant socialist milieu. Activists who for an all too brief moment managed to create the germ of a new society within the shell of the old. An alternative society that created communist colonies, embraced gay lifestyles, published a regular anarchist newspaper, operated a “Commonwealth Café”, organised picnics and ran raffles with books by Bellamy and Thoreau as prizes or alternately “A Handsomely Framed Portrait of Ravachol”!

“The Red Flag of Anarchy” is invaluable not just for its contents but as an inspiration and model for socialists all around Britain to get your shovel out and start digging down into your own local libertarian past. I know from my own researches that there’s always been far more going on out of London than our erstwhile chroniclers would have us believe.

I have just two criticisms which I hope Andrew might address in future editions. The first is the absence of an index. This isn’t so much of a handicap as it would be in a text-only volume as the extensive contents list and numerous illustrations facilitate navigation but digitisation makes compiling an index simple and speedy. Secondly I would like some analysis of why Sheffield’s socialist oasis became barren. At the end of the book Lee observes, “It was the end of an era, everything was going to change…Parliamentary politics was to become the order of the day” but it wasn’t inevitable, what exactly occurred in Sheffield? My own research, for example, shows that in Leicester all manner of socialists cooperated for years until the foundation of the ILP in 1893. Thereafter Leicester ILP refused to have any truck with local anarchists whose direct-action was thought detrimental to attracting votes. ILP sectarianism thus transformed Leicester’s lively socialism into bureaucratic electoralism. Were the same forces at work in Sheffield?

If we are ever to regain the radicalism and comradeship of early socialism it’s crucial that we identify what went wrong last time. Andrew Lee reminds us of an era when Labour Clubs were far more than dreary drinking dens. Available from Amazon for £10.00, in my opinion “The Red Flag of Anarchism” is the most valuable and entertaining study of grass-roots, pioneering Anarchy in the UK since John Quail’s classic “Slow Burning Fuse”.



Thursday, November 24, 2016

Remembering War-Resisters in Scotland

Brief Book Review

Objectors & Resisters: Opposition to Conscription and War in Scotland 1914-18, by Robert Duncan (Glasgow: Common Print/Common Weal, March 2015)

 
Dedicated "To all peace activists, whatever your political views". 

According to the London Rebel History Calendar 2016, on 24 November 1918 a mass meeting of the North London Herald League demanded the release of jailed socialist John MacLean. His name and record of resolute opposition to the First World War will be familiar, up to a point, to many radical historians, as will several other aspects of the story told in Robert Duncan’s excellent book: the Glasgow rent strike, industrial unrest, the launch of the Women’s Peace Crusade.  It breaks new ground, however, in collating and adding to the information available on these and other topics, and deserves to be widely read.

The longest chapters are 4 and 5, dealing with conscientious objectors (COs), arguably the group whose anti-war stance cost them the most. From the Acknowledgements, the author’s work on the book was completed in January 2015, so that he would probably not have had access to the Pearce Register online. Nor does he refer to many of the secondary sources published or re-issued and updated in or shortly after 2014, which in any case tend to be rather short on information about Scotland. This means that he relies extensively on his own original research in newspapers and periodicals and often on the accounts of his protagonists themselves, providing resounding statements of principle and heartening examples of resistance.

Obtainable from the publishers - advisable to allow 2-3 weeks for delivery on recent experience.

 "In the case of hunger strikers, we could always feed them artificially in the last resort, but in the case of the work striker we can do nothing..." 
 - Excerpt from confidential Scottish Police Commissioner's report on prominent CO James Maxton in Perth prison, June 1917, on p.84 of the book.

Sunday, February 19, 2012

BOOK REVIEW - Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere – the new global revolutions by Paul Mason

reviewed by Alan Woodward
This book – the author’s third – is a volume of two distinct parts. The first part follows the pattern of his first publication in that it looks at the experience in different countries while the second part offers some miscellaneous thoughts, comparisons and explanations on what is happening now in the Arab Spring , and Europe too . This are of quite different approach – and quality - and while sometimes separated neatly into chapters, are also put in sequence with factual reporting. Hence the overall effect is something of a mish mash. The book , or reportage as the author would have it, is certainly timely, with occasionally insights , and in places quite significant politically.

Sunday, November 27, 2011

BOOK REVIEW - Joe Jacobs biography

Review: Alan Woodward, After Cable Street – Joe Jacobs 1940 to 1977. 84pp. London, Socialist Libertarians, September 2011.
(Available from Housmans bookshop and at meetings).


Alan Woodward has done another service to radical history in producing this well-researched booklet, continuing the narrative of a varied and active political life begun in its subject’s posthumously published autobiography (Joe Jacobs, Out of the Ghetto, 1978). Using Joe’s letters and other papers, backed up with reference to a range of background sources, he places the life in the context of its times, showing how Joe’s political ideas developed after his days as a Communist Party activist in the 1930s. Those ideas were repeatedly applied in support of working-class struggle; and against those who Joe believed would take over or sell out that struggle for their own ends.

The core chapters are: Joe and the war; Shop stewards, workplaces, unions and the occupation; Joe and the international dimension; Strike reporting; Politics and organisations. Key events – confrontation with military authority, industrial strife and organising, political debates and clashes – and Joe’s role in them are recounted along with their effects on his thinking, with frequent quotes from his own writing, some of it still unpublished notes. Relevant theories and their more notable advocates are discussed in detail, displaying Alan’s impressive knowledge of the history of leftist ideas in the 20th century. The helpful lists of dates, sources for each section, and index are further added value.

Tuesday, August 30, 2011

INVERGORDON MUTINY - Review

Review by J. J. (Joe Jacobs), Solidarity: for Workers’ Power, vol. 7, no. 12, November 1974, pp.19-20, posted here to mark the 80th anniversary this September of the Invergordon Mutiny* – a small-scale, short-lived episode but extensive in its effects, and one with significance for libertarians. A few notes have been added for clarification or updating.


* (More on this story later).

Invergordon Mutineer by Len Wincott (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1974).

I got to know Len Wincott soon after the mutiny, and saw him off when he went to the Soviet Union in 1934. I was pleased to be among those who met him again during his recent visit to Britain to promote his book.

From the very beginning of his visit Len made it clear to all concerned that he was not here to talk about his experiences in Russia over the last 40 years. A circular handed out by his publishers stated:
‘During the Second World War he served in the Red Army, but later was arrested as a “British spy” and spent 11 years in a labour camp in the Northern Urals. In 1957 he was released and cleared of all charges when the gates of the labour camps opened after Khrushchev’s denouncement of Stalin’.
Len Wincott, now aged 67, lives in Moscow with his fourth wife Lena whom he married in 1965. He decided to return to the Soviet Union because (as he explained to the assembled newsmen at a press

Saturday, May 28, 2011

Red Sayles: Alexei, the teenage maoist

Alexei Sayle, Stalin Ate My Homework. London, Sceptre, 2010. 304pp.

“ I knew Sayle's family CP background – it's been mentioned by him many times. But Maoism? Blimey.”


As suggested by the comment quoted above, this enticingly-titled memoir of a childhood and adolescence in an atmosphere of left-wing political commitment contains a number of surprises. No doubt its author’s fame as an actor, comedian and author will attract readers not normally much concerned with what makes Reds tick. Conversely, those of us with an ingrained resistance to celebrity culture, not to mention suspicion of the Party, may be dubious about its value to radical history. It turns out to be well worth reading from several points of view.

Alexei Sayle describes in detail what having openly active Communist parents meant in practice, at the height of the Cold War, in working class Liverpool. The city itself gets a lot of attention, from the now vanished community environment where he grew up n the 1950s-60s through industrial decline to the urban devastation wrought by the planners. His father Joe was a railwayman, however, active as a shop steward in the NUR, with free rail travel for himself and his family, so that they could and did seek wider horizons. This meant not only regular attendance at the union’s AGM, but a series of holidays in Eastern Europe: Hungary in 1961 and 1963; Czechoslovakia 1959, 1960, 1962; Bulgaria 1966. Despite the family being on most of those occasions (with a few blips) treated as honoured guests in a privileged delegation, the young Alexei eventually became aware of a ‘nascent sense of unease about the Communist experiment’.

At the same time he remained at odds with the conventional values peddled by his schoolteachers and resisted pressures to conform, finding his own career path, as it turned out, in the direction of comedy early on. Politically, the chapter ‘I Was a Teenage Maoist’ is about his brief sojourn in the by-ways of Merseyside Marxist-Leninism, an episode of what he calls ‘split-brain thinking’, when he simultaneously ‘both totally believed it and totally didn’t believe it’. Tales of demonstrations, paper-selling, meetings and attempts to convert the masses will strike a chord with many who did not share his precise affiliation.

Along the way he touches on a number of points of 20th-century, from the Police Strike of 1919 and the 1926 General Strike via Hungary, Suez and the Cuban Missile Crisis to Czechoslovakia 1968. Brought up to take the party line as read with reference to the Spanish Civil War and the Russian Revolution, he was accustomed to hearing George Orwell denounced and found the reading of ‘Animal Farm’ something of a revelation. He nevertheless arrived at his own understanding of Marxist (class-struggle) historical theory, also as a result of reading, in this case Marx himself, which was bad news for his teachers.

Not all about Sayle – his concern for issues affecting ordinary people’s lives is evident – it’s not a-laugh-a-line, and punches are not pulled when, for example, repressive regimes or bureaucratic obtuseness are up for discussion. He doesn’t let himself off too lightly either. All the same, it is quite funny in a lot of places – and is a good read throughout.

Tuesday, January 12, 2010

BOOK REVIEW - Dear Granny Smith - a letter from your postman

Roy Mayall, Dear Granny Smith - a letter from your postman, 2009, Short Books, www.shortbooks.co.uk, ISBN: 9781906021979. £4.99

A review by Alan Woodward, Libertarian Socialists

This timely book, conveniently published in envelope size, gives the inside story from a postal worker  about what's happening to a major public service and the reasons why posties have been taking one day strikes over the last 5 months of 2009.  Its outline of working conditions is quite unusual and is a thorough account of the present Government and Royal Mail's offensive against ordinary workers.  The title uses the posties' own term for the public and  pulls no punches, being written in workshop language, and presents a totally devastating critique of the management's inflammatory commercial approach.  Because small bookshops may experience trouble obtaining it, I have given internet details.  The author uses a pen name but has apparently  been a working postman for some years. Whoever wrote the eleven chapters, it is an imaginative well constructed book and at  £4-99, it  is an absolute bargain.

An actual Granny Smith
As the blurb says, postal workers  have a pet name for their customers. It's "Granny Smith"  a name that calls to mind every old lady who lives alone and for whom the mail service is a lifeline.  The title is taken from yet another management meeting to  announciing to the staff some further details of the proposed  modernisation changes:

Someone piped up in the middle of it. "What about Granny Smith?" he said. He's an old-fashioned sort of postman, the kind who cares about these things. "Granny Smith is not important," was the reply. "Granny Smith doesn't matter any more."


Roy Mayall  gives reasons for the industrial action including a consideration  for all the Grannie Smiths and the book is likely to swing the public behind the postal workers once and for all.  Its exposure of corporate dominance is as relevant as it is timely in an election year.

The book is written in a conversational style, with some workplace humour that sometimes approaches being crude and the postie is blunt in his message about reversing the  adoption of commercial values. All this subversion was edited out by the BBC when the book was serialised on Radio 4 as Book of the Week in December 2009 but will ring a bell with anyone who went to the picket line during the dispute.  With its rotas, barbeques and careful monitoring of persons allegedly going into work, the strike, like the book,  was well organised and  successful.

The two main themes of the text are the degradation of working conditions and the market inspired transition from an efficient public service into a shambolic and inefficient business enterprise.  The first theme would be familiar to anyone concerned with the condition of the working class  it has been their constant companion for the best part of two centuries.  The author describes in some detail, and with some bitter humour,  how well-established workplace practices have been just replaced with crackbrained schemes, designed  it seems with just proving that the current  management are in charge.

Or so they like to think. Roy Mayall tells how the impracticality of the new technology based modernisation, has ground to a halt in all its essential features - address reading machines, replacing bikes with cumbersome electric trolleys, Starbursts or bulk delivery teams and suchlike. Mech-ed- mail machine sorted - from a target of over 80% , has now dropped to 50% and that just the official figures!

What has not failed is the re-organisation of work, the consistent bullying,  the abolition of even the smallest amount of free time, the extremely authoritarian Attendance Procedures that force even quite ill people into work on threat of dismissal, and such like.  You may say there's nothing new about all that. Everyone knows that there is no democracy in our totalitarian workplaces and that an ancient political commentator remarked that the only true wealth is time - the point is that all these processes are cunningly hidden by the alliance of the politicals, management and most of the media.  Once again victim blaming is announced - "the posties are being obstructive".

Now old timers may recall the promises of 30 years ago that new technology would liberate society .  People would work for only a few hours, machines would do the heavy toil and our most onerous task would be to decide what to do with our leisure.  In reality Roy Mayall describes taking out six  bags of mail each day instead of one,  the huge increase of junk advertising mail despite the lying assurances that mail levels are falling, constant and aggressive management interviews [interrogation more like], and the leisure room turned into a management lecture centre for open propaganda sessions , or corporate drivel as he calls it.

All this is done in the interests of renewed capitalism by Thatcher, Blair and Brown, can you tell them apart? Small wonder the political confusion as the leaders of the Communication Workers Union  try to boost Labour while the members revolt into confusion.  And we haven't even mentioned the Final Agreement.

This brings us  to the second theme, switching over from public to private ownership. We have described above the new slavery, posties too tired to do anything but work and sleep. Everyone  knows the management strategy:
~ allow pension holidays for management, but not workers, so that the pension fund is deeply in debt,
~ hound out the full timers,
~ bring in part timers and casuals,
~ reduce the enterprise to the point of collapse to make a private take over seem like salvation:  THERE IS NO ALTERNATIVE as we may remember.

The author gives chapter and verse about the public service ethos.  How posties have a social role, just like the hospital cleaners who were abolished for disease spreading contractors, and, as part of the community, are useful contributors. Reporting domestic ill health, helping out pensioners, transmitting information, monitoring temporarily empty houses, acting as a counsellor and so on.

Today Grannie Smith doesn't matter, the needs of the corporate bodies take first, second and all places.  Despite the record of these companies - and it was their failure that caused the modern pre-Thatcher society to be set up, it should be remembered -  the private sector dominates  both industry and wider society.

The complicated process of privatisation  has been well publicised recently but what is less well known is the "creeping commercialisation".  Take downstream access, which allows private companies to  select out any part of the process which they think profitable and privatise it.  This is already used by operators like TNT, but the use of this surrender to profit scheme has now appeared in the NHS.  Clinicenta, despite some appalling performances, is still allowed to cherry pick and make money from its choice.  The union leadership seems passive in various unions and allows this insidious practice to continue.  Once again it's down to the rank and file.

Another feature is the use of language, a key factor as Orwell noted.  Here "modernisation"  means  privatisation, more speed up, no job security, all casual labour, poverty wages. " Flexibility"
means  obeying instructions however absurd.  Management "discretion " in fact means mandatory.   "Public Service" means total subordination to corporate  objectives . "Attendance "  means absenting yourself from medical attention, "Mail sort" means junk mail or around two thirds of the total, and so on.  Royal Mail management have nothing to learn from 1984.

The recent international financial crisis should, in an ideal world, have demolished the credentials of the free market. (There is little evidence that this has happened, and even less that the political leaders have any intention of changing course. For them no alternative exists, so they press ahead with cosmetic reforms while keeping the pressure on the rest of us in the same old way. Mayall is quite clear about the consequences, in terms of blame for general issues, on the central role of the market. To an extent he also implicates the union for losing sight of the social aims of the labour movement in pursuit of the free market.  While his affection for old Labour may be exaggerated (remember George Brown and Harold Wilson?) his basic sentiments ring quite true.

He ends with a tale where an old person in a future world  that is totally commercial describes the Royal Mail set up as it used to be to an obviously incredulous audience.  The McMail  option he calls it. But as he also says, it's not too late to save it, though prospects under Cameron, Brown  and co. do seem bleak.

Generally the text has no overall political message, despite his reference to the gods of wealth and economics.  He doesn't waste ink either on the alternative promises of The Revolutionary Party any more than conventional politicians.  His memories of old Labour  are likely to be illusory  but his demolition of the present institutions and their scurrilous roles is complete. As he says "my tale is of loss and deceit, anger and despair, and the wanton destruction of an ancient and venerable organisation".

It seems likely that no one has told him of the libertarian philosophy, and in particular the idea of workers' control of the workplace, then society.  This idea is implicit in his critique of management and politicians -  the workers can manage the place quite well on their own  but the political implications are missing.  This is a deep-seated problem and one which the conscious minority has been slow in tackling.

A happy postie in olden times
Finally, this is a unique publication.  There were some examples of solidarity from other workers in the long dispute.  Drivers and service workers refusing to cross picket lines and some workplace money collections, though  the strike leaders gave this a low priority.

What of the future? The 2007 strike was followed  by the 2009 one, as management kept on with its predetermined free market strategy - modernisation at all costs. At present as management press on with their only delayed plans,  we can expect more conflict and picket lines. Labour intends continuing to worship the gods that have failed  - be prepared  for more early rising.


Saturday, May 16, 2009

JOURNALISTS and SOCIALISM - Book Review

a review of Paul Mason's Live Working or Die Fighting – how the working class went global.
[2008, 304pp] £9.00.

Contrary to the publicity, this is not a book of explanations – more a series of accounts of insurrectionary activity collected from the last 200 years. The author, a television journalist, has carried out – or had carried out - a lot of research from a wide range of periods and countries. He presents them as a series of stories and links them together over the years to justify the subtitle about the working class globalisation . The result is a unique volume of chapters or sections which follow on one another to provide an impressive sequence of an introduction to socialism in action. Nothing looked at in full, but a broad brush picture is painted , well worth your time and effort - a real initiative.

Paul Mason is becoming known as an activist in “left “ circles and this is an important book so a substantial review would be appropriate. The style and method will be examined , then the delicate question of his selection of items for inclusion. More comprehensive treatments of the subject can then be mentioned and finally something about the author would round up the document. Because the whole point of both the book and certainly this review is to encourage people to carry on reading to get more information, recommended publications are listed at the end, after being identified in the text by [square brackets].

The new approach
What is new with this publication is not the academic research – much of his information comes from existing books, albeit it in several languages - but the re–writing of the stories in a journalistic style into small readable chapters. Much of the subject matter will be familiar to experienced readers, like the Paris Commune, and London dockers strike of 1889 but some is relatively new to this reviewer at least. This includes important details of the General Union of Jewish Workers or the Bund and its communities in East Europe after the turn of the century. The vibrant Jewish mini world was erected in the old Poland area in general but in particular in the town of Brzeziny. Destroyed by the NAZIs with the loss of thousands of lives , it was painstakingly resurrected afterwards into a unique narrative. This section ends with the desperate fight back in Warsaw.[Edelman]. A valuable addition.

Two other studies in particular are outstanding. The nationalist revolt of Sun Yet Sen in colonial China from 1911 until the repression by Chiang Kai-shek’s Guomindang, or KMT, in 1927 is virtually forgotten. Getting information requires much sorting, ferreting out , reading obscure published sources until the hidden histories are revealed. Behind the familiar tale of national liberation degenerating into totalitarianism, there is the story of a very strong anarchist movement, largely unknown due to general and academic neglect.

The powerful libertarians were crushed in the treacherous killings in the cities 1927 by the ambitions of Chiang and his war lords/ landlord reactionaries. It must be said that many had been previously integrated into the nationalist movement The emergent Russian state capitalism under Lenin, then Stalin, were also victims of the military Right but lived to fight another day with Mao Zedong’s peasant army. The massacres and betrayals are horrifying ! [ Dirlik ] You will only get the bare bones of this from Mason but take my word the story of the Chinese anarchism is fascinating, with all its pluses and minuses. Somebody will have to write it all up one day.

Nearer home but from the same period , the two red year’s in Italy of 1918 –20 are the subject of a good deal of myth and speculation . Thanks however to a conscientious and imaginative old style communist, [Gwyn Williams], the real story behind the mass insurrections is already known, though similarly neglected. The cast is much the same - a militant working class , a strong anarcho syndicalist movement , emerging “ communism” and a worried ruling class willing to call in the military forces for oppression , in this case in the form of the fascists

The difference here is the existence of a group of socialists who, having learnt the lesson from Britain and Germany, were determined to try to influence the workers councils and push them towards the collective society. Antonio Gramsci and his New Order journal, openly critical of the two prior experiences in the war combatants, were astonishingly effective in generalising , collectivising and organising the shop stewards councils in north industrial Italy into a force for socialism

The later details of the two year crisis are again fairly well known : deserted by the official trade union and Labour leadership, and also the sectarian marxists, the workers fought vigorously in their own interests Eventually the ruling class tactic of calling in the fascists proved successful, as it was also to be in Spain, German , etc. The model of the socialist group, working with workers councils , remains an example for the future. Situations rarely repeat themselves but the example of the NO group is well worth copying – thoroughly recommended. [Levy]

General criticism
Coming now to a different scene and a point of criticism which can serve as a general one for much of the book. This concerns the astonishing resilience of the French silk workers against the overwhelming power of the advancing mechanisation of capitalism. Chapter two examines the Lyon insurrections in the years after 1830 and again reads like a well informed journalist’s report. We read of Jean-Claude Romand, Joseph Benoit and the rest, ranged against the 400 silk manufacturers ; rationalisations and a cut in tariffs are on the agenda , and the textile community took three significant steps . They set up a Workers Commission , joined the National Guard and established the first workers newspaper in history. Mason describes the events , and the slogan “Live working or die fighting” which are quite inspirational.

However the implications of the struggle are not examined . These momentous happenings were of extraordinary significance for the workers movement . To discover this we need to turn to the works of [Daniel Guerin]. His interesting little book which attempts a form of unity between the conflicting ideas of libertarianism and marxism, both of which he had experience, summarises the conclusions subsequently listed by Proudhon, based initially on the Lyon events

Its essential features were an overall association of labour and: every associated individual to have an indivisible share in the enterprise, each worker to take his share of heavy , dirty, or dangerous work, in the workplace and /or society, each to be trained for, and to do, all the operations of the workplace or industry,remuneration to be proportional to skill and responsibility of the job, profits to be shared in proportion each to be free to set his own hours,work as defined and leave the association at will,management and technicians to be elected, and work regulations to be subject to collective approval,
office holders to be elected.

Most of the ideas of industrial and political liberation can be implied from the demands, though Proudhon’s strong opposition to strikes – the most likely means of achieving these – was just one of many contradictions in his theories.

For the ongoing success of the struggle against capitalism, not only must there be fight backs and victories but these must become public knowledge.Only by a process such as Proudhon organised and Guerin has publicised , can this be done and the limitation of the journalistic approach in the generalisation procedure be recognised. This criticism applies to the Mason project overall.

These paragraphs hopefully give some idea of the wide scope of Mason’s offering, and the limitations of his writing. This is the big picture approach and an innovative approach it is too. We can conclude these opening paragraphs by re-stating their unusual value as an introduction and source of inspiration.

What’s in it
We now come to a different examination - of the content, concerning the delicate question of the orientation of the writer. It is a sad fact that what you read in books is generally not the truth , the whole truth and nothing but the truth. Writers are for practical reasons in any case required to select their material and they do this from what they consider is important. Going right back to pre-history, both the spoken and written word has been used for a variety of purposes but the main one has been to advance self interest, or specifically the wealth of leaders or kings . Some have given social explanations, or supernatural ones, often relating to “ the gods “ and so on, and the careful citizen has been wise to examine the evidence as best as he or she can. We have to do likewise here.

Conflict
In modern society, there are conflicting schools of thought that seek to explain the world. The motive is basically the same - self interest – and that is especially true of the main set of ideas which evolve from and propagate the value of capitalism. This set of ideas has aided the transformation of a largely agricultural and fractured world into a predominantly industrial one. But many have the definite opinion that private ownership, the automatic priority of wealth , the inevitable competition that results in disastrous wars , discrimination , hierarchy and privilege has run its course. A change is due , with Karl Marx being the most consistence critic from 1840.

Marxism is a theory about a new society coming from the action of political representatives , using popular discontent as their justification. It reduces political activity to theories of planned action , often grossly inadequate , but has been the centre of resistance for more than a century. It proposes a replacement structure or State, which then progresses onto the final objective, “ communism”. New worlds like Russia , etc , have been based on this hope .[ Wolff ]

An alternative theory was proposed most eloquently by Mikhail Bakunin. His point was that Marx’s replacement regime was almost certain to erect a new dictatorship and that real change would only come from citizens ignoring the political perspectives and taking over first workplaces, then society, by themselves - with no mediating group. :Libertarians believe that Bakunin’s ideas are at least as important as Marx’s and point triumphantly at the massive Russian revolution and its degeneration into the farce of state capitalism. [Maximoff 1964 ]. In the interests of integrity, the writer declares his support here for Bukharin.

These two ideas have been in conflict with each other , and with the more modest sets of ideas which accept capitalist reforms , for decades . Within the world of opposition,. most activity involves the propagation of the alternative viewpoints and “chauvinism “ for the respective corners dominates much space and time. Attempts to encompass all three areas of activity have been very few indeed We comment on these below.. Hence the first question asked of a new publication is – is this libertarian , marxist or a modest reform of capitalism, that is being
advocated ?

So called neutrality
Some readers will retain a faith in the disinterestedness of academic writers . Libertarians like the writer of this review , believe that in reality and to put the issue crudely, academics still pursue the interests of those that pay them - capitalists . This is too large a subject to pursue here but doubters should consult Noam Chomsky’s Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship [Chomsky]. The major point of this is a summary of the real events in the Spanish Revolution 1936-39 , which he contrasts in exact detail with the book of a leading liberal American writer. His criticism is a thorough demolition job, not just on political grounds because he says he respects the author’s liberal principles (?) but on the academic grounds of unsubstantiated statements, neglect of the evidence, selection of facts, avoidance of awkward events and such like.

We should also note that Chomsky’s own references are to such hostile writers as Leon Trotsky, but that he also uses Pierre Broue’s highly recommended book, despite that author’s well known leninism [Broue] . In summary, he uses a methodology which cleverly exemplifies the subject of the text.

We can conclude that this academic bias is the rule rather than the exception , which experience bears out , and replenish our cynicism. Of course , not all documents can be categorised in this way and a minority are more reliable. Finding such authors before their books are relegated to be “out of print” or they are promoted , integrated , bought off or otherwise subverted, is the trick and it is not always apparent how to do it. Some independent writers whatever their background, especially from groups like Solidarity for workers power, Chris Pallis, etc , need to be sought out and their books acquired for present or future use . For now we can say that, as an absolute minimum, if other writers want to continue with their partisan approach they should be open about their views and opinions in both academic and other aspects, even regarding so called “neutral” documents. This is probably impossible in the present world, it must be admitted.

List
So back to the case in point . We can recap on the chronological details of the content : -
~ the Peterloo massacre , Manchester, England 1819 ~Lyons and the south of France textile workers struggles from 1830 ~the Paris Commune 1871 ~unskilled workers USA post 1860
~USA Fight for the 8 hour day, and May Day , 1886 ~the Dockers tanner-an-hour strike , London 1889 ~Jewish struggles for organisation inn Eastern Europe 1895 ~German workers movement against the totalitarian government 1905 ~Shanghai workers in the nationalist revolution of 1911 –27 ~Turin and the Italian workers factory occupations, etc , 1918 –20; ~French workers and the popular front struggles , 1934 –39 ~the workers industrial insurrections in the US car factories, 1933- 40,
which Mason links to the current struggles in -
~the Argentinean factory occupations, 2001 onwards ~Shenzen factory workers , Canton , 2003
~the Nigerian slums of 2006 ~Basra oil workers 2005 ~Delhi silk workers fighting for their jobs in 2005 ~El Alto , Bolivia, 2006 as the ethnic peoples gather their strength against entrenched interests ~Canary Wharf cleaners 2006, migrant employees battle with the privatised interests that the Labour government gives so much power to. [references to these multiple sources can be found in Woodward 2003]

The author
Coming to the work in hand, it is therefore necessary to assess the standpoint of the author. In the present case Paul Mason is a journalist. He may regard it necessary to observe certain customs to protect his own professional reputation. Regardless of these superficial procedures, libertarian socialists would be advised to dig a little deeper and make a more realistic assessment.

This involves not just the usual admissions and confirmations, but also finding the sources of the
the writers ideas, to better identify them. In this case, after listing the contents, we must now list his omissions, which turn out to be almost as impressive .

Exclusions
There is nothing at all about the long Spanish revolution from 1931 to 1939; nothing about the massive experiments in workers councils, workers’ co operatives and the collective economy in the Republican areas . This great and brave resistance , a forerunner for the second world war has been obliterated from history, much a Stalin might have done.

Nor is this example of air- brushing an isolated example. There is plenty on the eastern European lands where anarchism was widespread in the early years of the century but the briefest of paragraphs only on the libertarian workers councils of Nestor Makhno in the Ukraine. This is one of the truly hidden examples of history which is astonishing in modern society. Of course he is mot alone in this neglect , many marxist reference book just exclude non-marxists sources , what GP Maximoff has called the sectarian “dry guillotine” of leninism that has been used to divide up the labour movement since 1895 [ Maximoff 1940].

Any history of the libertarian movement from Max Nettalu’s classic to Peter Marshals modern encyclopedia will find a whole chapters ignored by Mason. . While there are many references to marxists of one form or other, there is nothing from libertarian sources . No mention of the classic writers like PJ Proudhon Michael Bakunin , Peter Kropotkin and Errico Malatesta, and we are led to infer that they had nothing of any value whatsoever to say ? Even the marxists who became libertarians - Murray Bookchin and Daniel Guerin - are totally excluded. You may also be amazed that the oppression of Russian labour, from days after 1917 , through the Kronstadt killings and the east European revolts after 1956 + are nowhere to be found in this book on liberation.. [ again Woodward 2003]

It remains only to conclude that despite Paul Mason’s lack of formal political affiliation and a hint of an assumption of libertarian socialism, or rank and file marxism of some form , the reality is a quite sectarian publication. We can reject out of hand the pretence that the differences aren’t there, in the manner of the mass media of our day, and have to locate the present publication within the organisational chauvinism that is widespread today. Having clarified these basic facts, readers will be in a position to assess the information accordingly.

Moving on
We can now move onto further sources for readers requiring more information. Apart from the
general reference list below, we can include a short note both on the facts of insurrections in history and the process of learning something by our study, If the purpose is to celebrate our history but avoid repeating our mistakes, both elements are necessary.

For the factual survey, on the subject of insurrections , and revolutions in history , we have no choice but to turn to Murray Bookchin’s colossal The Third Revolution – popular movements in the revolutionary era. This is 4 volumes or 65 chapters and a total of 1,385pp, His publications on this are unequalled and, while not without faults, stand above the rest. [Bookchin]

The project is by far the most easily understood general introduction to the theory and practice of revolution A note here about the title of the book . The third revolution refers to the domination of initial insurrections by various forms of state dominated political parties and that only a third revolution, or stage in an insurrection, gives a chance for more libertarian forces to seriously influence the proceedings. This observation can be made from any of the larger uprisings and is recognised by Bookchin in his heading.

We cannot examine the content at length but note that its scope runs from 1620 to 1940 and covers Europe , Russia and America. Its early cut off point does exclude the whole of recent history but it is the nearest thing to an encyclopedia. Note however that the books are expensive, with the last two being hardbacks , costing £75 each. Best use a library or a photocopier.

Bookchin is a significant choice for another reason. He was an early marxist with the Communist Party of USA , and then became a trotskyist. Finally his patience with the revolutionary party project was exhausted and he became a libertarian. There is much debate to be had about the wisdom of this decision but he made it , while retaining some belief in some parts of marxism.

This pattern is much the same for Daniel Guerin whose little introductory volume on anarchism has been referred to above. Guerin who had an exemplary career in writing about the NAZI menace , tried consciously to bridge the gap between the two main theories of opposition thought. His critique is a model for the general analysis of social theory, and on his death, both side claimed his soul ! An important publication . [Guerin] Those who want more are referred to his two volume anthology of anarchist writings No Gods, no Masters [Guerin 1998]

Organisations
Finally we can mention the old council communist movement from just after the Russian revolution in 1917. The founders, Anton Pannekoek and Herman Gorter, old Bolsheviks of widespread and international fame, had fallen out with the Russian Bolsheviks over the dominance of the soviet leaders. They argued that the situation in the west was quite different and therefore the industrialised working class societies needed the independence to develop their own perspectives. [Gorter] . When Lenin and co disagreed , stressing the leadership of the Russians, and had them thrown out of the German party and the Communist International, they set up their own German Workers Party . Later, after Hitler, they reverted to their native Holland and a shell of members did survive Nazism, a relic of earlier optimism

In the fight against Franco’s fascists in the Spanish civil war, 1936-38 , the libertarian Friends of Durruti group tried to salvage something of revolutionary organisation from the looming defeat of anarchism, engineered by the betraying Stalinists, by re-stating the old council communist idea of the construction of a political organisation. It did not prevent defeat, but was a form of amalgamation of th two ideas. There were only ephemeral unions of the ideas apart from the above initiatives. We await future developments.

Background , etc

The author, Paul Mason, is a member of the National Union of Journalists , one of two open to broadcasting journalists. His book contains details of his upbringing in industrial Lancashire , his grandad a miner and his father a manufacturing worker. In 2009 , he is employed as economies editor of the BBC2 news programme , Newsnight. He is known on the left , at Housmans bookshop for example and was associated with the People before Profits Charter

Finally
In conclusion, the reviewers’ assessment is that this is a valuable introduction to direct action. It follows the tradition of the popularisers from the early days of Penguin Books. The limitations of the book have been explored above but it can be recommended as a cheap popular paperback that everyone can dip into with profit, or even read straight through. Buy one today.

Reading
Bookchin, Murray : The Third Revolution – popular movements in the revolutionary era, 4 volumes [one 1996, 406pp ; two 1998, 351 pp ; three 2003, 350pp; and four 2005, 289pp ].
Broue , Pierre and Emile Temime The Revolution and Civil War in Spain [1970, 591pp] ;
Chomsky, Noam ; editor Barry Pateman : Chomsky on Anarchism , contains Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship [2005, 241pp] ; one of many recommendations ;
Dirlik Arif : Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution [1991 USA, 326pp], incisive book on a little known subject ;
Edelman , Marek : The Ghetto Fights , [1990, 119pp] ; an inspirational story ;
Gorter, Herman : An Open Letter to Comrade Lenin [1921, 1995, 41 pp] still in print , a manifesto where the old activists out argues the master apparachnik ;
Guerin Daniel : Anarchism - from theory to practice [1970, 166pp] page 46, an ex marxist who attempts to relate the two ideologies and provides a comprehensive introduction to Russian, Italian and Spanish council movements ;
Guerin, Daniel editor ; No Gods, no Masters - an anthology of anarchism, 2 volumes, translated by Paul Sharkey [1998, 294pp and 276pp] in English at last, an extremely useful resource. ;
Levy, Carl : Gramsci and the Anarchists [1999, 272pp] ; sheds light on a neglected period ; the same writer provides longer perspectives in a chapter [54pp] covering 1870 to 1926 in David Goodway’s For Anarchism – history theory and practice [1989, 279pp] ;
Maximoff , Gregory Petrovich : The Political Philosophy of Bakunin – scientific anarchism [1964, 434pp] complete with index ! ! , unique volume by experienced libertarian but ignore the subtitle ;.
Maximoff , Gregory Petrovich : The Guillotine At Work, 2 volumes, [1940 & 1975 USA , 555 pages ] details exposure of the destructive tactics of Lenin and Bolshevism
Williams, Gwyne A : Proletarian Order - Antonio Gramsci, factory councils and the origins of Italian communism 1911-21 [1975, 370pp] outstanding popular book by a veteran communist ;
Wolff, Jonathan : Why Read Marx Today ? [2002, 136pp] what can be salvaged from the sectarian excesses ;
Woodward, Alan : Readers Guide to Workers Council Socialism [2003, 30pp] ; perhaps outdated reading lists but useful introductory booklet

[Review by Alan Woodward in his characteristic style and typography]